EU dilemma over controversial aid to Eritrea

Photo: President Isayas Afewerki

Principles of human rights, justice and rule of law are desirable but are not a primary objective of the European Union when dealing with aid recipient governments. European interests and the geo-strategic importance of the recipient nation would often supersede legal or moral principles as a matter of political expediency. The Eritrean government has had the fortune of benefiting from this kind of practice. That´s considered one of the main reasons why, unlike Zimbabwe, European aid has been flowing and will perhaps continue to flow to Eritrea without strings attached.

Despite this, Amnesty International has launched a massive campaign to end widespread injustices in Eritrea. The action is aimed at swaying EU opinion as it grapples with the idea of whether to give Eritrea $160-million in unconditional aid this year. Amnesty´s main focus is the ´immediate and unconditional´ release of countless prisoners of conscience in that country.

Amnesty has enlisted the support of some of Europe´s most influential newspapers including The Observer, The Guardian and The Independent to secure at least 50-thousand signatures on action cards to be sent to Louis Michel, EU Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Aid. Hundreds of thousands of flyers are also being attached to newspapers and other publications for distribution.

The leaflets highlight the tragic ordeal of Aster Fessahatsion – mother, wife and legislator who was thrown in jail in September 2001 along with other parliamentarians and cabinet ministers. Aster and her colleagues were summarily arrested and put in jail for calling on President Isayas Afewerki to open peaceful dialogue to deal with unresolved questions of democracy, justice and rule of law.

The Eritrean government justifies its ruthless actions on grounds of national security. The unspoken word is that it will not consider their cases before the resolution of the country´s dispute with neighboring Ethiopia.

Public polling is impracticable in Eritrea. But judging by the opinions widely expressed in the then independent press and the government media during the last four months leading to the arrests in September 2001, up to 85 percent of the Eritrean people were believed to have favored peaceful dialogue for democratic change and constitutional rule. After all, among the detained were the de facto Vice President Mohammed Sherifo and Defense Minister Petros Solomon and other prominent figures who were the President´s close comrades-in-arms and members of the ruling PFDJ party, but were also highly respected Eritrean liberation war heroes and competent leaders in their own right.

Amnesty´s stance is that these government officials, journalists and thousands of other ordinary citizens have been victimized merely because of their political views or faith. Many have died in prison. Those still alive should be unconditionally and immediately released, pleads Amnesty.

Added to Amnesty´s massive media drive is the mounting pressure from increasingly vocal and more articulate Eritrean Diaspora groups and widespread demands from various governments and NGOs. There is a slight possibility, therefore, that the EU might be compelled to rethink its relations with Eritrea. What measures it will take is hard to speculate. What is clear is that both sides are faced with difficult choices.

This challenge couldn´t have come at a worse time for the Eritrean government. The economy is nearing a disaster point with fast dwindling exports and seriously weakened agricultural and manufacturing sectors. The shrinking global economy means waning Diaspora remittances. Food shortages are the worst they have ever been. Transportation is at a standstill with gasoline prices at the fuel pump said to be the highest in the world.

The government is the primary source of income for almost all citizens. Apart from a small number of private business workers, the government employs practically the country´s entire labor force including 300-thousand troops in the trenches. Schools, hospitals and almost all other social services are provided for by the government.

A proud and avid advocate of self-reliance, the government will not admit that EU funds are crucial to its survival in this worsening global economic meltdown. But of late, either because of nervousness over the much talked about aid controversy or as if wanting to over impress EU as a donor, the government has been putting out nonstop news bulletins about completion of three to four projects everyday ranging from sewer repairs to construction of roads, hospitals and schools. Whatever is happening behind the scenes, there are no signs that the authorities are heeding public opinion and considering releasing any of the estimated 20-thousand prisoners. Nor are they ready to ease they steely grip over a helpless, voiceless population.

EU will sympathize with Amnesty´s efforts and with the demands of Eritrean civic and political critics and opponents, but it seems unlikely it would take strong measures against the Eritrean government. It would be hard for it to withhold aid if doing so would threaten Eritrea´s stability or if doing so would further isolate the government closing all doors for constructive dialogue. The EU has made it clear that ´engagement´ is the best way to deal with human rights issues in Eritrea.

Still, it is illegal for the EU to give aid without conditions. For years, the Eritrean government has been contemptuous of EU´s legal requirements and principles of good governance, accountability, and respect for human rights, justice and rule of law as clearly stipulated in its aid agreement with the European Union. Under the circumstances, the least the EU can do is to publically criticize human rights abuses in Eritrea and demand that prisoners of conscience are either released or put on trial without delay.

Above all, the Eritrean leadership should realize that change is not a sign of weakness and that statesmanship is far more patriotic and revolutionary than dictatorship.

Michael Abraha can be reached at mikaelabk@gmail.com. Website: www.RefugeeResearch.org