Macedonia Celebrating Gotse Delchev´s 137th Birthday
Risto Stefov
February 06, 2009
Gotse Delchev (1872-1903) was born on February 4th, 1872 in Kukush, a town 35 km north of Solun. His ideological views were formed by the adoption of ideas from science and literature, particularly revolutionary literature and philosophy. While still a pupil in a Solun high school, he showed keen interest in the discoveries of Darwin and in the popular scientific works of Flammarion and other scientists. This provided him with the foundations for further exploration in the realm of social ideas and movements. As a youth he read and studied the works and ideas of Russian revolutionaries such as Chernyshevski, Dobrolyubov, Pissarev and Herzen. He paid particular attention to ideas and the knowledge he acquired and his knowledge was tested and refined in revolutionary discussion circles, which served as a kind of school for his revolutionary training. He also studied practical examples from actual revolutionary activities and experiences of other liberation movements such as the feats of Garibaldi, Washington, Lafayette, as well as some Balkan leaders.
Delchev's basic ideological education were further accentuated and developed in Military College. Apart from the military training, he found time to delve deeper into revolutionary ideas. Here, too, he showed special interest in the experience of other revolutionary and liberation movements, in Russian nihilism, Bakuninism and other anarchist currents, in Balkanism and other revolutionary ideas. He also followed social democratic literature and the social democratic press, and paid particular attention to the works of Marx and Engels, Bakunin, Prudhonne, Stepniak, Kropotkin, Dimitar Blagoev, Spiro Gulapchev and, for a time, Vassil Glavinov.
Like other Macedonian revolutionaries, Gotse Delchev was strongly influenced by the 18th-century ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, the ideas of the French Revolution, the ideas of the revolutions between 1830 and 1848, the lessons and experience of the Paris Commune, and Russian revolutionary literature. This was closely linked at the same time with the influence of revolutions and revolutionary movements and of their leaders, such as: the American War of Independence and Washington; the French Revolution and its leaders; the Italian national liberation movement and the leaders of the Risorgimento – Garibaldi and Mazzini; the Bulgarian revolutionary movement with its leaders, Botev, Levski and others.
In the course of time, all this helped to form Gotse Delchev as a revolutionary and national leader. He was a typical revolutionary, emphasizing his revolutionary convictions. Todor Pavlov states that the "trio of revolutionaries Svetozar Markovich of Serbia, Hristo Botev of Bulgaria and Gotse Delchev of Macedonia, were formed and worked not only as great revolutionaries and fighters for national liberation, but at the same time as democrats. Delchev was a social democrat when he was in Military College and till the end of his life was linked with the Macedonian social democrats."
He once said: "I have the soul of an anarchist, the convictions of a social democrat, and I act like a revolutionary", thereby giving a personal statement of his ideological persuasion and the high vocation he had chosen. He remained unchanged in this throughout his life. In this connection he found it necessary to stress the importance of democracy and social democratic propaganda in educating the young. On one occasion he described the activity of the Macedonian social democrats as follows:
"These people are engaged in real revolutionary activities, distributing important literature so that democratic thought can be spread throughout our ranks. Which will bring about a renaissance and not cause harm."
Having aligned himself ideologically with the most progressives, Delchev tried to put his beliefs into practice, to devote himself to the liberation of his nation. While he was still attending high school in Solun the idea of the possibility of forming a national resistance movement was already ripening in his mind. His views took even clearer shape at Military College. As a progressive activist, he was in agreement with those who called for the national and social liberation of the Macedonian people based on the principle of self-determination. For this reason he was in close touch with the Macedonist, Konstantin Shahov, publisher of the famous newspaper Makedonski glas (Voice of Macedonia), as well as with some other newspapers. This Macedonian public figure played an important role in directing independent Macedonian liberation activities. Besides doing this, Delchev was also in contact with various Macedonian student groups and the literary society at Sofia University, which published the Loza (Vine) magazine responsible for spreading the Macedonian movement. This group strongly advocated for a revolutionary movement in Macedonia. Krsté Missirkov states that leading revolutionaries such as Gotse Delchev were pupils of this first generation of Macedonians.
It was precisely this environment, which provided a favourable climate for a progressive Macedonian movement free of all foreign influences and based on specific local conditions, that powerfully influenced Gotse Delchev to choose the correct aims of the Macedonian cause. This confirms the fact that Delchev had clarified his views in this respect, basing them fair and square on the progressive principles of the Macedonian revolution.
In reaching his revolutionary credo, he took a realistic approach, realizing and stressing the right of the Macedonian nation to independent existence. It is precisely this which shows his greatness. Thereby Delchev managed to raise himself above his contemporaries and formulate a precise, substantial concept of the essence of revolution. In his grasp of what is essential in revolution and the possibilities of transposing it to Macedonia, this "Jacobin on Macedonian and Balkan soil", as some have called him, went beyond the narrow bounds of national liberation and displayed his humanism and broad cosmopolitan outlook. The leitmotif of his ideas can be summed up in his oft-quoted words:
"I conceive of the world only as a field for cultural competition among nations." This bold sentence contains a deep humanistic note which is rarely encountered even in great men of larger stature.
These principles were likewise his starting point when drawing up the basic postulates of Macedonian liberation activity. What he considered to be its fundamental principle he expressed as follows:
"The liberation of a nation should be, first and foremost, its own work, the work of its own hands."
On this he developed the thesis that a nations own struggle is the vital factor for the success of a revolution. He said:
"Macedonia cannot count on outside help...It will be a misfortune for Macedonia if we leave others to worry about her." He went even further: "It would be unforgivable for us, of higher understanding, to suffer and bear our burden while waiting for others to liberate us."
Delchev considered it necessary for the revolution to pass through several stages, related to the level of education of its participants. The entire population would rise in revolt only when it felt itself free in spirit, when the armed conflict with the oppressor reflected a relatively higher level of civil awareness. He was even more concrete when he stated that "Moral revolution – revolution of the mind, heart and soul of an enslaved people – is the greatest task." This basic principle of his was further elaborated by Gjorche Petrov, another leader of the Macedonian liberation movement, who said, speaking of Delchev's attitude:
"Delchev was a fanatic supporter of the maxim that slavery emanates from the slave himself, sustained more by him than by his oppressor, and that it will vanish by itself when the slave ceases to be a slave in his soul. The idea of his activity," Petrov went on to say, "was to prepare the slave spiritually for this; his hope being that he would one day see Macedonia engulfed in the fires of revolt."
Delchev considered that in the preparatory period a major role should be assigned to the individual, to individual struggle as the basis for collective, though he conceived this as merely a stage, a transition to a mass uprising. This is why he put such emphasis on revolutionary forces, as a means of saving the masses from unnecessary bloodshed. After this stage came the nation-wide uprising. Such an approach, he argued, was designed to ensure the success of the work. He said:
"I don't ask for an uprising with people who would leave me at the first setback; I want a revolution with citizens capable of withstanding all the trials of a lengthy struggle such as ours will be, owing to the political conditions – otherwise we shall be leading cattle to slaughter."
It was from this standpoint that he laid down the basic elements of the revolutionary movement. He proclaimed these principles, together with Gjorche Petrov, in the fundamental documents and acts of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO). A broad platform was set forth, acceptable to all dissatisfied elements regardless of nationality, for gaining full political autonomy as a stage leading towards Macedonian independence. The obligations and membership of each Macedonian revolutionary were strictly determined, this constituting a big qualitative step forward compared with the early acts, which were not very precisely formulated.
In determining the substance of liberation activity, Gotse Delchev took a more profound social attitude as his starting point. As a humanist and as a revolutionary he rejected all racial animosity. On this subject he said:
"I do not hate the Ottomans as a people; I fight against Ottoman tyranny as a ruling system." This democratic standpoint helped to bring about the inclusion of representatives of other ethnicities and religions in Macedonia in the revolutionary activity – Turks, Albanians, Aromanians, Jews, Armenians and others. Yavorov made an interesting comment in this connection:
"National animosity vanished in the face of Delchev´s persuasive preaching on behalf of a self-governing Macedonia."
Delchev was firmly convinced of the need for unity in the liberation struggle. Moreover, he was a strong advocate of the preservation of Macedonia´s territorial integrity.
In his propaganda activities, Delchev contributed "very much to the formation and growth of Macedonian national awareness (Macedonian, not Bulgarian, Greek or Serbian); but he did not find it necessary to come to grips with this extremely important question", as Todor Pavlov remarked in 1946.
Delchev was acquainted with and took an interest in the standpoints of Teodosie Skopski, Partenija Zografski, Petar Pop Arsov, "Lozaris", Gjorche Petrov, Missirkov and others.
Delchev showed great concern for and endeavoured to spread revolutionary literature. On one occasion he commented: "The acceptance of revolutionary ideas by the masses will be easier if a Macedonian literature for mass consumption is created." And in a letter he asked:
"Is there no one to write at least one book in Macedonian?"
His concern for and efforts on behalf of Macedonian national independence, although not as developed and deep-rooted as Misirkov's, were closely and naturally linked with and derived from his entire conception of the Macedonian liberation cause.
Gotse Delchev's ideological conception of the liberation struggle of the Macedonian people was not restricted merely to the liquidation of the Ottoman system of rule, of political and despotic tyranny; on the contrary, it included a consistent struggle against the endeavours of the Balkan monarchies and their agents to establish and extend their influence in Macedonia. He was particularly active against the Bulgarian monarchy and its agents the Vrhovists, who were attempting to make use of the Macedonian liberation movement to further their own aims and interests. Delchev was categorical in his view that:
"The liberation of Macedonia lies in internal revolt. Whoever thinks that Macedonia can be otherwise freed is deceiving both himself and others." Delchev had crystal-clear views on the aims of the Macedonian struggle and Macedonian interests. His views on this were even quoted by Dimitar Talev. Delchev said:
"Macedonia has her interests and policy; she belongs to all Macedonians; whoever hankers after, and works for the unification with Bulgaria and Greece may consider himself a good Bulgar or Greek, but not a good Macedonian." It was for this reason that he insisted on the preservation of the unity, independence and integrity of the MRO, and thereby Macedonia, for, as he said: "If we don't do so, Macedonia will fall under one of the Balkan states or will be divided among them."
Delchev worked very actively, both ideologically and practically, against the harmful activity of the Vrhovists aimed at penetrating into Macedonia and gaining control of VMRO. At the end of the Salonica congress of VMRO in the summer of 1896, Gotse Delchev and Gjorche Petrov were elected as so-called "border representatives" of the Organization in Sofia, where they remained until 1901. This step by the Central Committee of VMRO was a very wise move, striking a blow against the vrhovists, and their anti-Macedonian movement in their own capital, at the source which inspired and directed their activities. Delchev and Petrov achieved the maximum possible success in frustrating the activity and aims of the vrhovists in their own centres, being helped in this by some progressive Bulgarian workers.
Delchev was most outspoken against accepting foreign financial assistance which screened ulterior motives. He was quite categorical on this, saying:
"To preserve the purity of the liberation movement and Organization – this is the primary condition for our success! To accept money from foreign governments means; under present political conditions and in the present atmosphere, to commit oneself, to place oneself under an obligation...And the moral blow", Delchev stressed, "to the population would be very terrible: people would cease to help themselves, would always wait for outside aid, would lose their self-confidence – this would lead to the loss of the Organization's independence...The Bulgarian government", Delchev went on, "which often has aggressive aims against Macedonia, will not be slow, when it begins to give money, to take advantage of the situation created in internal affairs by the extension of this aid; it will not be satisfied with some sort of Platonic feeling, but will seek real privileges."
In his logical and realistic appraisal of the situation, Delchev also considered the other consequences of taking aid from the Bulgarian government:
"There would be other undesirable consequences. Even without this, the rest of the Balkan and European governments suspect that the Organization is inspired by Bulgarian government circles; they would like this to be true, for in that case they could put a stop to our efforts more easily and would be free to barter over and divide our country."
Gotse Delchev was strongly opposed to the large number of provocative acts by the vrhovists that were intended to achieve their aims in Macedonia and undermine the activities of the Organization. He spoke out particularly against premature uprisings, such as that at Melnik in 1895 and Gorna Dzhumaja in 1902, considering them the greatest evil. He said:
"The greatest crime one of our activists could commit before the people and before history would be to raise a premature and ill-prepared revolt. This would be tantamount to suicide for us. Many revolutions have come to a stop half way and failed to achieve their aims for these reasons. Why should we allow a similar misfortune here?"
In this defense of independent liberation activities, Delchev displayed all the lucidity which was at the same time the source of his farsightedness. He knew the actual situation in Macedonia and with his firm revolutionary concepts as his starting point, he took his stand on the reckless undertakings of the vrhovists. He said:
"If a revolt could be raised with forty men, Macedonia would have been an independent small state long ago." He was even more categorical when he stated: "It would be wonderful if the liberation of this tormented country could be attained by one puff of breath. But where is this magic power?"
With penetrating lucidity, Delchev expressed the realism and certainty with regard to Macedonian liberation activities which gave him the right to leadership. With his arguments and later with arms he fought for the Macedonian cause and defended the interests of the Macedonian people from all coercion.
Together with Gjorche Petrov, he protected the interests of Macedonia and the MRO in confrontation with the vrhovist leaders, whose goal was to penetrate into Macedonia and direct the Macedonian movement from their centre. Delchev had a lengthy discussion on this question with General Nikolajev, then chairman of the Supreme Committee (Vrhoven komitet), who openly revealed a desire to direct Macedonian affairs. Delchev was surprised by this. Krum Hristov stated that Delchev "looked and couldn't believe his eyes...How dared he (Nikolajev) talk in that way? Did he know what sort of nation the Macedonians were?" Delchev was outraged by this approach and answered in a sharp tone: "You know who we are: peasants, the inhabitants of Macedonia, the people. We cannot play politics, nor can we allow others to play politics with Macedonia. Ours is a life or death struggle. We shall not allow others to decide whether we shall live or die, and when. When we raise a rebellion, the people will decide...The blood of the people is precious, and we do not wish to liberate corpses but to free a living nation so that it can live on and develop."
This openness of Delchev with regard to the Macedonian situation was typical of the man, and was a quality shared by Gjorche Petrov.
Delchev was thus opposed to all infiltration from outside. On one occasion he said: "While I carry a gun on my shoulder Macedonia will be beyond the reach of the Bulgarian officer."
This was linked in his mind with the role that had been played by traitors and their harmful activity against the cause. In 1897 he had this to say:
"I don't believe there is any other nation that has suffered as much from its renegade sons as the Macedonian."
Gotse Delchev carried on the struggle against the harmful activity of counter-revolutionary elements by means of concrete practical actions, he spread the idea of revolution, and defended the independence of the Macedonian cause.
Gotse Delchev lived only 31 years, and was active on the Macedonian revolutionary stage for about one decade, yet he exerted a very profound influence on the Macedonian national liberation movement; creating a unified national organism in the form of the MRO, revealing the idea of liberty to the Macedonian nation, and tracing the path of national and social emancipation for the working masses of Macedonia. The Soviet historian V.I. Zuev stated that Delchev´s many-sided activities were directed towards the liberation of the Macedonian people from the oppression and exploitation of Ottoman feudalism:
"Delchev fought for the national independence and freedom of the Macedonian people." This is precisely why Gotse Delchev's role in the Macedonian national-liberation movement was so great. By his tireless activity he gave his whole being for the Macedonian people, showing confidence in its strength. Delchev led a great struggle against foreign pressure, particularly against the vrhovists, and strove to preserve the independence of Macedonian revolutionary activities. He united the Macedonian nation, and, indeed, all ethnic groups in Macedonia, in the fight against Ottoman tyranny and other would-be conquerors. It was for this reason that even during his lifetime, and especially after his death, Delchev became a renowned authority among the Macedonian people. Giorgio Nurigiani asserted that Macedonians speak of Gotse Delchev with exalted feeling and pride, for he was "a will, a mind, and a fearless spirit."
The Macedonian nation values highly the role played by Gotse Delchev and his contribution to the struggle for national liberation. Referring to this national recognition, one of Delchev's biographers writes:
"This nation will never forget what Goce Delchev did for it that no one before had done...showed it the way to achieve its great aim, revealed the nation's capabilities, inspired it with faith in its own forces...And the nation has always remained grateful to him."
Few personalities of the period of Macedonia's liberation movement have left such an indelible impression on the mind of the people as Gotse Delchev. Anton Strashimjrov commented on this:
"Delchev never dreamed, awake or asleep, that the whole nation, entire generations over the centuries, would pronounce his name, would relive his life in their thoughts, and keep his figure before them as an ideal."
And, indeed, Gotse Delchev became, to quote Dimo Hadzhi Dimov, the flaming banner of the Macedonian people, of which Rogdaev said that "the future of the bold and energetic Macedonian nation is still to come."
The ideological views and organizational activity of Gotse Delchev showed the path the future struggle of the Macedonian people should take. This was particularly apparent during the Ilinden and post-Ilinden struggles, in the desire of Macedonians to carry out Delchev's ideas. The real possibility of putting these ideas into practice and going beyond them presented itself in a different historical situation that arose with the Liberation War and National Revolution of the Macedonian people, which they fought, together with other peoples, during the Second World War. This struggle the Macedonian people undertook was "simply a continuation of a long struggle against oppression and a longing to fulfill a desire to liberate Macedonia once and for all".
Dr. Hristo Andonov-Poljanski
Editing Risto Stefov
Delchev's basic ideological education were further accentuated and developed in Military College. Apart from the military training, he found time to delve deeper into revolutionary ideas. Here, too, he showed special interest in the experience of other revolutionary and liberation movements, in Russian nihilism, Bakuninism and other anarchist currents, in Balkanism and other revolutionary ideas. He also followed social democratic literature and the social democratic press, and paid particular attention to the works of Marx and Engels, Bakunin, Prudhonne, Stepniak, Kropotkin, Dimitar Blagoev, Spiro Gulapchev and, for a time, Vassil Glavinov.
Like other Macedonian revolutionaries, Gotse Delchev was strongly influenced by the 18th-century ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, the ideas of the French Revolution, the ideas of the revolutions between 1830 and 1848, the lessons and experience of the Paris Commune, and Russian revolutionary literature. This was closely linked at the same time with the influence of revolutions and revolutionary movements and of their leaders, such as: the American War of Independence and Washington; the French Revolution and its leaders; the Italian national liberation movement and the leaders of the Risorgimento – Garibaldi and Mazzini; the Bulgarian revolutionary movement with its leaders, Botev, Levski and others.
In the course of time, all this helped to form Gotse Delchev as a revolutionary and national leader. He was a typical revolutionary, emphasizing his revolutionary convictions. Todor Pavlov states that the "trio of revolutionaries Svetozar Markovich of Serbia, Hristo Botev of Bulgaria and Gotse Delchev of Macedonia, were formed and worked not only as great revolutionaries and fighters for national liberation, but at the same time as democrats. Delchev was a social democrat when he was in Military College and till the end of his life was linked with the Macedonian social democrats."
He once said: "I have the soul of an anarchist, the convictions of a social democrat, and I act like a revolutionary", thereby giving a personal statement of his ideological persuasion and the high vocation he had chosen. He remained unchanged in this throughout his life. In this connection he found it necessary to stress the importance of democracy and social democratic propaganda in educating the young. On one occasion he described the activity of the Macedonian social democrats as follows:
"These people are engaged in real revolutionary activities, distributing important literature so that democratic thought can be spread throughout our ranks. Which will bring about a renaissance and not cause harm."
Having aligned himself ideologically with the most progressives, Delchev tried to put his beliefs into practice, to devote himself to the liberation of his nation. While he was still attending high school in Solun the idea of the possibility of forming a national resistance movement was already ripening in his mind. His views took even clearer shape at Military College. As a progressive activist, he was in agreement with those who called for the national and social liberation of the Macedonian people based on the principle of self-determination. For this reason he was in close touch with the Macedonist, Konstantin Shahov, publisher of the famous newspaper Makedonski glas (Voice of Macedonia), as well as with some other newspapers. This Macedonian public figure played an important role in directing independent Macedonian liberation activities. Besides doing this, Delchev was also in contact with various Macedonian student groups and the literary society at Sofia University, which published the Loza (Vine) magazine responsible for spreading the Macedonian movement. This group strongly advocated for a revolutionary movement in Macedonia. Krsté Missirkov states that leading revolutionaries such as Gotse Delchev were pupils of this first generation of Macedonians.
It was precisely this environment, which provided a favourable climate for a progressive Macedonian movement free of all foreign influences and based on specific local conditions, that powerfully influenced Gotse Delchev to choose the correct aims of the Macedonian cause. This confirms the fact that Delchev had clarified his views in this respect, basing them fair and square on the progressive principles of the Macedonian revolution.
In reaching his revolutionary credo, he took a realistic approach, realizing and stressing the right of the Macedonian nation to independent existence. It is precisely this which shows his greatness. Thereby Delchev managed to raise himself above his contemporaries and formulate a precise, substantial concept of the essence of revolution. In his grasp of what is essential in revolution and the possibilities of transposing it to Macedonia, this "Jacobin on Macedonian and Balkan soil", as some have called him, went beyond the narrow bounds of national liberation and displayed his humanism and broad cosmopolitan outlook. The leitmotif of his ideas can be summed up in his oft-quoted words:
"I conceive of the world only as a field for cultural competition among nations." This bold sentence contains a deep humanistic note which is rarely encountered even in great men of larger stature.
These principles were likewise his starting point when drawing up the basic postulates of Macedonian liberation activity. What he considered to be its fundamental principle he expressed as follows:
"The liberation of a nation should be, first and foremost, its own work, the work of its own hands."
On this he developed the thesis that a nations own struggle is the vital factor for the success of a revolution. He said:
"Macedonia cannot count on outside help...It will be a misfortune for Macedonia if we leave others to worry about her." He went even further: "It would be unforgivable for us, of higher understanding, to suffer and bear our burden while waiting for others to liberate us."
Delchev considered it necessary for the revolution to pass through several stages, related to the level of education of its participants. The entire population would rise in revolt only when it felt itself free in spirit, when the armed conflict with the oppressor reflected a relatively higher level of civil awareness. He was even more concrete when he stated that "Moral revolution – revolution of the mind, heart and soul of an enslaved people – is the greatest task." This basic principle of his was further elaborated by Gjorche Petrov, another leader of the Macedonian liberation movement, who said, speaking of Delchev's attitude:
"Delchev was a fanatic supporter of the maxim that slavery emanates from the slave himself, sustained more by him than by his oppressor, and that it will vanish by itself when the slave ceases to be a slave in his soul. The idea of his activity," Petrov went on to say, "was to prepare the slave spiritually for this; his hope being that he would one day see Macedonia engulfed in the fires of revolt."
Delchev considered that in the preparatory period a major role should be assigned to the individual, to individual struggle as the basis for collective, though he conceived this as merely a stage, a transition to a mass uprising. This is why he put such emphasis on revolutionary forces, as a means of saving the masses from unnecessary bloodshed. After this stage came the nation-wide uprising. Such an approach, he argued, was designed to ensure the success of the work. He said:
"I don't ask for an uprising with people who would leave me at the first setback; I want a revolution with citizens capable of withstanding all the trials of a lengthy struggle such as ours will be, owing to the political conditions – otherwise we shall be leading cattle to slaughter."
It was from this standpoint that he laid down the basic elements of the revolutionary movement. He proclaimed these principles, together with Gjorche Petrov, in the fundamental documents and acts of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO). A broad platform was set forth, acceptable to all dissatisfied elements regardless of nationality, for gaining full political autonomy as a stage leading towards Macedonian independence. The obligations and membership of each Macedonian revolutionary were strictly determined, this constituting a big qualitative step forward compared with the early acts, which were not very precisely formulated.
In determining the substance of liberation activity, Gotse Delchev took a more profound social attitude as his starting point. As a humanist and as a revolutionary he rejected all racial animosity. On this subject he said:
"I do not hate the Ottomans as a people; I fight against Ottoman tyranny as a ruling system." This democratic standpoint helped to bring about the inclusion of representatives of other ethnicities and religions in Macedonia in the revolutionary activity – Turks, Albanians, Aromanians, Jews, Armenians and others. Yavorov made an interesting comment in this connection:
"National animosity vanished in the face of Delchev´s persuasive preaching on behalf of a self-governing Macedonia."
Delchev was firmly convinced of the need for unity in the liberation struggle. Moreover, he was a strong advocate of the preservation of Macedonia´s territorial integrity.
In his propaganda activities, Delchev contributed "very much to the formation and growth of Macedonian national awareness (Macedonian, not Bulgarian, Greek or Serbian); but he did not find it necessary to come to grips with this extremely important question", as Todor Pavlov remarked in 1946.
Delchev was acquainted with and took an interest in the standpoints of Teodosie Skopski, Partenija Zografski, Petar Pop Arsov, "Lozaris", Gjorche Petrov, Missirkov and others.
Delchev showed great concern for and endeavoured to spread revolutionary literature. On one occasion he commented: "The acceptance of revolutionary ideas by the masses will be easier if a Macedonian literature for mass consumption is created." And in a letter he asked:
"Is there no one to write at least one book in Macedonian?"
His concern for and efforts on behalf of Macedonian national independence, although not as developed and deep-rooted as Misirkov's, were closely and naturally linked with and derived from his entire conception of the Macedonian liberation cause.
Gotse Delchev's ideological conception of the liberation struggle of the Macedonian people was not restricted merely to the liquidation of the Ottoman system of rule, of political and despotic tyranny; on the contrary, it included a consistent struggle against the endeavours of the Balkan monarchies and their agents to establish and extend their influence in Macedonia. He was particularly active against the Bulgarian monarchy and its agents the Vrhovists, who were attempting to make use of the Macedonian liberation movement to further their own aims and interests. Delchev was categorical in his view that:
"The liberation of Macedonia lies in internal revolt. Whoever thinks that Macedonia can be otherwise freed is deceiving both himself and others." Delchev had crystal-clear views on the aims of the Macedonian struggle and Macedonian interests. His views on this were even quoted by Dimitar Talev. Delchev said:
"Macedonia has her interests and policy; she belongs to all Macedonians; whoever hankers after, and works for the unification with Bulgaria and Greece may consider himself a good Bulgar or Greek, but not a good Macedonian." It was for this reason that he insisted on the preservation of the unity, independence and integrity of the MRO, and thereby Macedonia, for, as he said: "If we don't do so, Macedonia will fall under one of the Balkan states or will be divided among them."
Delchev worked very actively, both ideologically and practically, against the harmful activity of the Vrhovists aimed at penetrating into Macedonia and gaining control of VMRO. At the end of the Salonica congress of VMRO in the summer of 1896, Gotse Delchev and Gjorche Petrov were elected as so-called "border representatives" of the Organization in Sofia, where they remained until 1901. This step by the Central Committee of VMRO was a very wise move, striking a blow against the vrhovists, and their anti-Macedonian movement in their own capital, at the source which inspired and directed their activities. Delchev and Petrov achieved the maximum possible success in frustrating the activity and aims of the vrhovists in their own centres, being helped in this by some progressive Bulgarian workers.
Delchev was most outspoken against accepting foreign financial assistance which screened ulterior motives. He was quite categorical on this, saying:
"To preserve the purity of the liberation movement and Organization – this is the primary condition for our success! To accept money from foreign governments means; under present political conditions and in the present atmosphere, to commit oneself, to place oneself under an obligation...And the moral blow", Delchev stressed, "to the population would be very terrible: people would cease to help themselves, would always wait for outside aid, would lose their self-confidence – this would lead to the loss of the Organization's independence...The Bulgarian government", Delchev went on, "which often has aggressive aims against Macedonia, will not be slow, when it begins to give money, to take advantage of the situation created in internal affairs by the extension of this aid; it will not be satisfied with some sort of Platonic feeling, but will seek real privileges."
In his logical and realistic appraisal of the situation, Delchev also considered the other consequences of taking aid from the Bulgarian government:
"There would be other undesirable consequences. Even without this, the rest of the Balkan and European governments suspect that the Organization is inspired by Bulgarian government circles; they would like this to be true, for in that case they could put a stop to our efforts more easily and would be free to barter over and divide our country."
Gotse Delchev was strongly opposed to the large number of provocative acts by the vrhovists that were intended to achieve their aims in Macedonia and undermine the activities of the Organization. He spoke out particularly against premature uprisings, such as that at Melnik in 1895 and Gorna Dzhumaja in 1902, considering them the greatest evil. He said:
"The greatest crime one of our activists could commit before the people and before history would be to raise a premature and ill-prepared revolt. This would be tantamount to suicide for us. Many revolutions have come to a stop half way and failed to achieve their aims for these reasons. Why should we allow a similar misfortune here?"
In this defense of independent liberation activities, Delchev displayed all the lucidity which was at the same time the source of his farsightedness. He knew the actual situation in Macedonia and with his firm revolutionary concepts as his starting point, he took his stand on the reckless undertakings of the vrhovists. He said:
"If a revolt could be raised with forty men, Macedonia would have been an independent small state long ago." He was even more categorical when he stated: "It would be wonderful if the liberation of this tormented country could be attained by one puff of breath. But where is this magic power?"
With penetrating lucidity, Delchev expressed the realism and certainty with regard to Macedonian liberation activities which gave him the right to leadership. With his arguments and later with arms he fought for the Macedonian cause and defended the interests of the Macedonian people from all coercion.
Together with Gjorche Petrov, he protected the interests of Macedonia and the MRO in confrontation with the vrhovist leaders, whose goal was to penetrate into Macedonia and direct the Macedonian movement from their centre. Delchev had a lengthy discussion on this question with General Nikolajev, then chairman of the Supreme Committee (Vrhoven komitet), who openly revealed a desire to direct Macedonian affairs. Delchev was surprised by this. Krum Hristov stated that Delchev "looked and couldn't believe his eyes...How dared he (Nikolajev) talk in that way? Did he know what sort of nation the Macedonians were?" Delchev was outraged by this approach and answered in a sharp tone: "You know who we are: peasants, the inhabitants of Macedonia, the people. We cannot play politics, nor can we allow others to play politics with Macedonia. Ours is a life or death struggle. We shall not allow others to decide whether we shall live or die, and when. When we raise a rebellion, the people will decide...The blood of the people is precious, and we do not wish to liberate corpses but to free a living nation so that it can live on and develop."
This openness of Delchev with regard to the Macedonian situation was typical of the man, and was a quality shared by Gjorche Petrov.
Delchev was thus opposed to all infiltration from outside. On one occasion he said: "While I carry a gun on my shoulder Macedonia will be beyond the reach of the Bulgarian officer."
This was linked in his mind with the role that had been played by traitors and their harmful activity against the cause. In 1897 he had this to say:
"I don't believe there is any other nation that has suffered as much from its renegade sons as the Macedonian."
Gotse Delchev carried on the struggle against the harmful activity of counter-revolutionary elements by means of concrete practical actions, he spread the idea of revolution, and defended the independence of the Macedonian cause.
Gotse Delchev lived only 31 years, and was active on the Macedonian revolutionary stage for about one decade, yet he exerted a very profound influence on the Macedonian national liberation movement; creating a unified national organism in the form of the MRO, revealing the idea of liberty to the Macedonian nation, and tracing the path of national and social emancipation for the working masses of Macedonia. The Soviet historian V.I. Zuev stated that Delchev´s many-sided activities were directed towards the liberation of the Macedonian people from the oppression and exploitation of Ottoman feudalism:
"Delchev fought for the national independence and freedom of the Macedonian people." This is precisely why Gotse Delchev's role in the Macedonian national-liberation movement was so great. By his tireless activity he gave his whole being for the Macedonian people, showing confidence in its strength. Delchev led a great struggle against foreign pressure, particularly against the vrhovists, and strove to preserve the independence of Macedonian revolutionary activities. He united the Macedonian nation, and, indeed, all ethnic groups in Macedonia, in the fight against Ottoman tyranny and other would-be conquerors. It was for this reason that even during his lifetime, and especially after his death, Delchev became a renowned authority among the Macedonian people. Giorgio Nurigiani asserted that Macedonians speak of Gotse Delchev with exalted feeling and pride, for he was "a will, a mind, and a fearless spirit."
The Macedonian nation values highly the role played by Gotse Delchev and his contribution to the struggle for national liberation. Referring to this national recognition, one of Delchev's biographers writes:
"This nation will never forget what Goce Delchev did for it that no one before had done...showed it the way to achieve its great aim, revealed the nation's capabilities, inspired it with faith in its own forces...And the nation has always remained grateful to him."
Few personalities of the period of Macedonia's liberation movement have left such an indelible impression on the mind of the people as Gotse Delchev. Anton Strashimjrov commented on this:
"Delchev never dreamed, awake or asleep, that the whole nation, entire generations over the centuries, would pronounce his name, would relive his life in their thoughts, and keep his figure before them as an ideal."
And, indeed, Gotse Delchev became, to quote Dimo Hadzhi Dimov, the flaming banner of the Macedonian people, of which Rogdaev said that "the future of the bold and energetic Macedonian nation is still to come."
The ideological views and organizational activity of Gotse Delchev showed the path the future struggle of the Macedonian people should take. This was particularly apparent during the Ilinden and post-Ilinden struggles, in the desire of Macedonians to carry out Delchev's ideas. The real possibility of putting these ideas into practice and going beyond them presented itself in a different historical situation that arose with the Liberation War and National Revolution of the Macedonian people, which they fought, together with other peoples, during the Second World War. This struggle the Macedonian people undertook was "simply a continuation of a long struggle against oppression and a longing to fulfill a desire to liberate Macedonia once and for all".
Dr. Hristo Andonov-Poljanski
Editing Risto Stefov
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