Eelctions in Bangladesh - Prospects and Challenges
Madhavi Bhasin
December 31, 2008
After two years, the national emergence in Bangladesh was lifted on December 17, 2008, coinciding with the 37th birth anniversary of the country. The announcement confirming general elections scheduled for December 29, 2008 was received with skepticism in the country and around the globe The possibility of widespread violence leading to the re-imposition of martial rule or boycott of polls by a national party depriving the elections of democratic authenticity loomed large. But joining the recent democratic upsurge in South Asia, Bangladesh successfully held free and fair elections on December 29, 2008. With more than 80% polling and the certification of 'credible balloting' by the European Union Observer Team, Bangladesh has taken the initial steps towards re-establishing the national democratic order. For a country that has been under autocratic rule for more than half its existence as a sovereign state, this is a great accomplishment.
The polls were held after two years of discussions and policy proposals regarding electoral reforms and have witnessed several records. The Election Commission (EC) prepared new voter lists pruning about 10 million fake votes. Rules for political campaigning were strictly defined with defacement of public walls strictly prohibited. Bangladesh for the first time registered eunuchs on the voter lists and provided them the opportunity to exercise their fundamental democratic right. One Third of the electorate in this election were first time voters, allowing the youth of the country to deterime the future of their country. The dominance of the young electorate perhaps explains the defeat of the extremist parties in the elections, signalling the political maturity of the Bangladeshi electorate. The elections saw 39 political parties with 1,555 candidates in the political battleground. Given the fact that 43% of the voters in the country are illiterate the efforts of the EC are commendable. As a reward for the EC's contributions the voter turn-out is expected to exceed 85%, a record high for the country. For the first time the National Parliament would have 64 women representatives.
After an impressive election process, the results have further re-enforced the hope of political order returning to Bangladesh. Not only has Sheikh Hasina's Awami League (AL) secured a landslide victory in the elections, but has also managed to secure the biggest parliamentary majority since 1973. The party has won 230 of the 299 seats, with allies securing a combined figure of 32. Sheikh Hasina is the daughter of Seikh Mujibur Rehman, the founder leader of Bangladesh. She had suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of her traditional political rival, Khaleda Zia, leader of the Bangladesh National Party (BNP). In 2004 she had escaped a fatal attack and fought against charges of political corruption by the Caretaker Government during the larger part of 2007. But her poverty alleviation agenda during the short phase of political campaigning prior to the December polls won over the public support for her party. Her traditional policy thrust favors economic liberalization and opposition to radicalization of the Islamic society, making her party a favourable choice by neighboring countries like India and the international community. The AL in its election manifesto projected "Vision 2021" - vision for an educated, industrially developed and digitalized Bangladesh. In her nation wide address before the close of the campaigning, Seikh Hasina emphasized on the need to put an end to the politics of confrontation and hatred. A promise which holds the key for the politico-democratic stability of Bangaldesh.
The conduct of general elections and ensuing results are being welcomed with grand festivities across Bangaldesh, but given historical evidence, political challenges for Islamic nation are far from over. In December 2006 political bickering and popular protests challenged the possibility of conducting elections scheduled for January 2007. The AL had demanded a reform of the Caretaker Government (CG) system, which according to the party lacked neutrality essential for conducting free and fair elections. President Iajuddin Ahmed´s assumption of the office of the "Chief Advisor" (Head of the Caretaker Government) fuelled further protests by the AL and the common people. The judicial decisions in support of President Ahmed´s actions lead to widespread violence, forcing the deployment of the Army. In a situation where the political establishment and the judiciary failed to deliver, a military-backed CG took control on January 11, 2007 and declared a state of national emergency. The new CG pledged to address and rectify political ills confronting the Bangladeshi polity and continued to pursue reforms in a state of suspended civil liberties and restricted political activity. The anti-hoarding policy of the government, attempts to check price rise and the onslaught on the Jama´atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) militants can be lauded as some major achievements of the CG. But the primary purpose for declaring emergency was to facilitate and realize lasting political reforms within Bangladesh, a task which largely remains unrealized.
U.S. Ambassador to Bangladesh James Moriarty has appropriately summed up the maladies characterizing the political process in Bangladesh. According to him, "Bangladesh's track record with democracy is mixed." He emphasizes that there has been real progress in the formal aspects of the electoral process, including voter registration, but little improvement has been made on substantive issues like transparency. In his words "Each successive government has increasingly centralized power at the national level – a winner take all mentality dominates." Politically motivated constitutional amendments and interpretations disallow the natural flow of political authority between elections. There are no signs of correcting this agitated process of political transition in the country and there is every possibility that in the run-up to the next elections, similar problems will resurface on the national political horizon. Voicing such concerns a 38 year old shopkeeper Babar Ali expressed his cautious optimism by stating that "Everything today looks perfect...But I think all hell could break loose tomorrow if the loser doesn't accept the vote." The dynastic rivalry between the two women leaders of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina (AL) and Kahleda Zia (BNP) has dominated the national politics of Bangladesh for long. Immediately after the declaration of results, the long-standing rivalry was replayed, when BNP leader Khaleda Zia referred to the elections as 'farcical' and claimed that the party refused to accept the election process and ensuing results. The BNP appears internally divided over reforming the party and rejecting the election outcome; a decision which remains critical to the survival of the new government.
As a part of the CG´s anti corruption drive, an Anti-Corruption Commission, headed by a former army chief, was formed in January 2007. Several candidates who contested the polls had been arrested on charges of corruption by the Caretaker Government but were released on bail. This includes the top political leadership of the country as well. Sheikh Hasina was released on grounds of medical parole and Khaleda Zia secured a bail earlier this year. According to newspaper editor and political analyst Shyamal Dutt, the anti-corruption drive has failed to stop many bad people from entering the election (and) threatens to give democracy another bad run in the country. The fate of the anti-corruption drive is exemplified by decision of Mr. Azim Chowdhury to withdraw his case against former P.M. Sheikh Hasina. Mr. Chowdhury had earlier lodged a case accusing Sheikh Hasina and some of her relatives of extorting more than $400m in the course of a business deal. The anti-corruption drive of the much hyped reform process lost purpose and momentum in the face of national political complexities. After almost two years of curbing civil liberties in the name of fighting political corruption, the political process is once again set to be directed by the political elites accused of indulging in corrupt practices. The ´minus two´ proposition put forth by the CG appears have lost ground. The CG had attempted to get rid of the top national leadership in an attempt to reform the political system. Without any alternate leadership available in the country, an attempt at eliminating the existing leadership reflected political naivete. The CG failed to realize that the root of the problem lay not in the personalities of the political leadership, but in the political system. Thus by attempting to insulate national politics from the existent leadership, the CG lost a rare opportunity to reform the country´s political system.
The skewed process of political reform has been further complicated by the activation of a dormant threat to national democracy – military interference and control of popular politics. The emergency period saw the reconstitution of the National Security Council, providing the military chiefs a forum for expressing political views and possible veto of Government decisions. Eight central and 64 District-based Anti-corruption Task Forces have been constituted, comprising members of the Army, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), a para-military force under the Home Ministry, and the different intelligence agencies. The new government will have to contend with such increased powers and influence of the military in governing the nation. As an indication of the approaching challenges the military-backed government had held meetings with leaders of AL and BNP, with the objective of securing a pre-poll commitment from the next incumbent with regard to endorsing all 107 ordinances promulgated during the emergency rule. This implies that the popular government will have no alternative but to endorse all the decisions of the out-going military backed CG.
The election results have added another dimension to the existent political challenges confronting Bangaldesh. Securing victories by such huge margins may easily turn the 'mandate to govern' into a 'license to rule' in third world countries like Bangaldesh. The BNP had won the 2001 elections with a huge majority, but used the occasion to propagate political vendetta and reap benefits for the party and its elites. There is every possibility that the AL might intent to may hay while the sun shines and act in complete disregard to political accountability. The U.S. in a press statement a day after the elections hoped that "Those elected must prepare to assume their roles as the representatives of all the people of Bangladesh while unsuccessful candidates should continue to participate in the political process. Whether in government or opposition, all political parties have an important role in helping to build a better future for Bangladesh."
The elections are a minimal condition for democratic functioning and Bangaldesh has successfully fulfilled it. But the success of the democratic process rests on addressing the political challenges and managing the inherent complexities through delegated constitutional authority by all parties. Unless the political elite of Bangladesh do not institutionalize this basic tenet of democratic functioning, elections like these will merely be grand castles on sand.
The polls were held after two years of discussions and policy proposals regarding electoral reforms and have witnessed several records. The Election Commission (EC) prepared new voter lists pruning about 10 million fake votes. Rules for political campaigning were strictly defined with defacement of public walls strictly prohibited. Bangladesh for the first time registered eunuchs on the voter lists and provided them the opportunity to exercise their fundamental democratic right. One Third of the electorate in this election were first time voters, allowing the youth of the country to deterime the future of their country. The dominance of the young electorate perhaps explains the defeat of the extremist parties in the elections, signalling the political maturity of the Bangladeshi electorate. The elections saw 39 political parties with 1,555 candidates in the political battleground. Given the fact that 43% of the voters in the country are illiterate the efforts of the EC are commendable. As a reward for the EC's contributions the voter turn-out is expected to exceed 85%, a record high for the country. For the first time the National Parliament would have 64 women representatives.
After an impressive election process, the results have further re-enforced the hope of political order returning to Bangladesh. Not only has Sheikh Hasina's Awami League (AL) secured a landslide victory in the elections, but has also managed to secure the biggest parliamentary majority since 1973. The party has won 230 of the 299 seats, with allies securing a combined figure of 32. Sheikh Hasina is the daughter of Seikh Mujibur Rehman, the founder leader of Bangladesh. She had suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of her traditional political rival, Khaleda Zia, leader of the Bangladesh National Party (BNP). In 2004 she had escaped a fatal attack and fought against charges of political corruption by the Caretaker Government during the larger part of 2007. But her poverty alleviation agenda during the short phase of political campaigning prior to the December polls won over the public support for her party. Her traditional policy thrust favors economic liberalization and opposition to radicalization of the Islamic society, making her party a favourable choice by neighboring countries like India and the international community. The AL in its election manifesto projected "Vision 2021" - vision for an educated, industrially developed and digitalized Bangladesh. In her nation wide address before the close of the campaigning, Seikh Hasina emphasized on the need to put an end to the politics of confrontation and hatred. A promise which holds the key for the politico-democratic stability of Bangaldesh.
The conduct of general elections and ensuing results are being welcomed with grand festivities across Bangaldesh, but given historical evidence, political challenges for Islamic nation are far from over. In December 2006 political bickering and popular protests challenged the possibility of conducting elections scheduled for January 2007. The AL had demanded a reform of the Caretaker Government (CG) system, which according to the party lacked neutrality essential for conducting free and fair elections. President Iajuddin Ahmed´s assumption of the office of the "Chief Advisor" (Head of the Caretaker Government) fuelled further protests by the AL and the common people. The judicial decisions in support of President Ahmed´s actions lead to widespread violence, forcing the deployment of the Army. In a situation where the political establishment and the judiciary failed to deliver, a military-backed CG took control on January 11, 2007 and declared a state of national emergency. The new CG pledged to address and rectify political ills confronting the Bangladeshi polity and continued to pursue reforms in a state of suspended civil liberties and restricted political activity. The anti-hoarding policy of the government, attempts to check price rise and the onslaught on the Jama´atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) militants can be lauded as some major achievements of the CG. But the primary purpose for declaring emergency was to facilitate and realize lasting political reforms within Bangladesh, a task which largely remains unrealized.
U.S. Ambassador to Bangladesh James Moriarty has appropriately summed up the maladies characterizing the political process in Bangladesh. According to him, "Bangladesh's track record with democracy is mixed." He emphasizes that there has been real progress in the formal aspects of the electoral process, including voter registration, but little improvement has been made on substantive issues like transparency. In his words "Each successive government has increasingly centralized power at the national level – a winner take all mentality dominates." Politically motivated constitutional amendments and interpretations disallow the natural flow of political authority between elections. There are no signs of correcting this agitated process of political transition in the country and there is every possibility that in the run-up to the next elections, similar problems will resurface on the national political horizon. Voicing such concerns a 38 year old shopkeeper Babar Ali expressed his cautious optimism by stating that "Everything today looks perfect...But I think all hell could break loose tomorrow if the loser doesn't accept the vote." The dynastic rivalry between the two women leaders of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina (AL) and Kahleda Zia (BNP) has dominated the national politics of Bangladesh for long. Immediately after the declaration of results, the long-standing rivalry was replayed, when BNP leader Khaleda Zia referred to the elections as 'farcical' and claimed that the party refused to accept the election process and ensuing results. The BNP appears internally divided over reforming the party and rejecting the election outcome; a decision which remains critical to the survival of the new government.
As a part of the CG´s anti corruption drive, an Anti-Corruption Commission, headed by a former army chief, was formed in January 2007. Several candidates who contested the polls had been arrested on charges of corruption by the Caretaker Government but were released on bail. This includes the top political leadership of the country as well. Sheikh Hasina was released on grounds of medical parole and Khaleda Zia secured a bail earlier this year. According to newspaper editor and political analyst Shyamal Dutt, the anti-corruption drive has failed to stop many bad people from entering the election (and) threatens to give democracy another bad run in the country. The fate of the anti-corruption drive is exemplified by decision of Mr. Azim Chowdhury to withdraw his case against former P.M. Sheikh Hasina. Mr. Chowdhury had earlier lodged a case accusing Sheikh Hasina and some of her relatives of extorting more than $400m in the course of a business deal. The anti-corruption drive of the much hyped reform process lost purpose and momentum in the face of national political complexities. After almost two years of curbing civil liberties in the name of fighting political corruption, the political process is once again set to be directed by the political elites accused of indulging in corrupt practices. The ´minus two´ proposition put forth by the CG appears have lost ground. The CG had attempted to get rid of the top national leadership in an attempt to reform the political system. Without any alternate leadership available in the country, an attempt at eliminating the existing leadership reflected political naivete. The CG failed to realize that the root of the problem lay not in the personalities of the political leadership, but in the political system. Thus by attempting to insulate national politics from the existent leadership, the CG lost a rare opportunity to reform the country´s political system.
The skewed process of political reform has been further complicated by the activation of a dormant threat to national democracy – military interference and control of popular politics. The emergency period saw the reconstitution of the National Security Council, providing the military chiefs a forum for expressing political views and possible veto of Government decisions. Eight central and 64 District-based Anti-corruption Task Forces have been constituted, comprising members of the Army, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), a para-military force under the Home Ministry, and the different intelligence agencies. The new government will have to contend with such increased powers and influence of the military in governing the nation. As an indication of the approaching challenges the military-backed government had held meetings with leaders of AL and BNP, with the objective of securing a pre-poll commitment from the next incumbent with regard to endorsing all 107 ordinances promulgated during the emergency rule. This implies that the popular government will have no alternative but to endorse all the decisions of the out-going military backed CG.
The election results have added another dimension to the existent political challenges confronting Bangaldesh. Securing victories by such huge margins may easily turn the 'mandate to govern' into a 'license to rule' in third world countries like Bangaldesh. The BNP had won the 2001 elections with a huge majority, but used the occasion to propagate political vendetta and reap benefits for the party and its elites. There is every possibility that the AL might intent to may hay while the sun shines and act in complete disregard to political accountability. The U.S. in a press statement a day after the elections hoped that "Those elected must prepare to assume their roles as the representatives of all the people of Bangladesh while unsuccessful candidates should continue to participate in the political process. Whether in government or opposition, all political parties have an important role in helping to build a better future for Bangladesh."
The elections are a minimal condition for democratic functioning and Bangaldesh has successfully fulfilled it. But the success of the democratic process rests on addressing the political challenges and managing the inherent complexities through delegated constitutional authority by all parties. Unless the political elite of Bangladesh do not institutionalize this basic tenet of democratic functioning, elections like these will merely be grand castles on sand.
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