US Attitude toward Eritrea Unlikely to Change under Obama Administration
Michael Abraha
November 30, 2008
The US recently banned arms sales to Eritrea for its alleged support of the Somali Al-Shabab insurgents whom the Bush Administration regards as terrorists. This brought relations to their lowest ebb and improvement is unlikely as long as Eritrea continues to stand against American plans for Somalia.
Eritrea's apparent link to the Somali insurgents is sufficient reason for the US to put Eritrea in its terror list as stipulated in its anti-terrorism rules and regulations. Under these same rules, the US has listed Syria, Iran, Sudan and Cuba as terror sponsoring states accusing them of providing "safe haven, substantial resources, and guidance to terrorist organizations,"
The US holds that Eritrea is harboring members of Al Shabab's political and religious leadership operating from exile in Eritrea. They include former Islamic Court leader Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys whom the UN Security Council has designated a terrorist with alleged ties to Al Quada. US officials have accused Eritrea of transferring funds and weapons including anti-aircraft missiles and suicide vests to the Somali insurgents bogged down in a bloody confrontation with the Somali Transitional Government backed by Ethiopian troops. UN and US reports also claim that some Moslem countries have been channeling money and weapons to the insurgents via Eritrea. Eritrea denies these charges.
American ban of arms sales will have no direct impact on Eritrea's armament needs. But by linking the ban to terrorism, the US seems determined to further isolate Eritrea in the Horn of Africa. Be that as it may, it is clear that the Bush Administration has opted not to place Eritrea on its blacklist which would have amounted to a death penalty on relations between the two countries. Although bilateral, such a move would also have damaged Eritrea's relations with other countries especially US allies and friends around the world. Added to this would have been more sanctions including curbs on financial transactions between US citizens and Eritrea coupled with imposition of travel restrictions on Eritrean officials.
US-Eritrea ties turned sour as the animosity and rivalry between Eritrea and Ethiopia intensified following their bitter and devastating border war a decade ago. The bloodshed has had unpredictable and uncontrollable results which have badly incapacitated the two sides to demarcate their border and normalize relations. Both sides are still trying to find some meaning to their senseless and tragic losses at the expense of each other's interests and expectations.
Eritrea blames the US for not pressuring Ethiopia to demarcate the border in accordance with a legally binding UN finding in 2002. This is a fair proposition but, doubtless, unrealistic. Is it possible for the US to force Ethiopia to come to terms with Eritrea's position given the long history of bloodshed between the two peoples? History shows the US has not been good at bringing feuding neighbors or divided peoples together. One only needs to look at US involvement in Vietnam, the Middle East and Southern Africa during the Cold War.
It is in the national interest of Eritrea and Ethiopia to urgently see the need to work on normalizing relations and incrementally begin to resolve differences and issues of demarcation, economic cooperation and trade. It is time for the two sides to engage in confidence building endeavors and find a peaceful way out of the impasse.
While US policy on Africa under President-Elect Obama has yet to be formulated, Eritrea may not expect any change in US attitude given the make-up of Obama´s foreign policy advisors. The incoming US Administration will heed the binding international boundary ruling which Ethiopia has yet to act upon. But given Obama´s stress on dialogue and diplomacy in international relations, it is likely that the US will encourage discussions between Ethiopia and Eritrea before or after marking their common border.
One way for Eritrea to try to gain US support would be by pursuing what the US believes to be a constructive and peaceful foreign policy in the Horn region and by building a free and democratic system of government at home.
Michael Abraha can be reached at mike@RefugeeResearch.org
Eritrea's apparent link to the Somali insurgents is sufficient reason for the US to put Eritrea in its terror list as stipulated in its anti-terrorism rules and regulations. Under these same rules, the US has listed Syria, Iran, Sudan and Cuba as terror sponsoring states accusing them of providing "safe haven, substantial resources, and guidance to terrorist organizations,"
The US holds that Eritrea is harboring members of Al Shabab's political and religious leadership operating from exile in Eritrea. They include former Islamic Court leader Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys whom the UN Security Council has designated a terrorist with alleged ties to Al Quada. US officials have accused Eritrea of transferring funds and weapons including anti-aircraft missiles and suicide vests to the Somali insurgents bogged down in a bloody confrontation with the Somali Transitional Government backed by Ethiopian troops. UN and US reports also claim that some Moslem countries have been channeling money and weapons to the insurgents via Eritrea. Eritrea denies these charges.
American ban of arms sales will have no direct impact on Eritrea's armament needs. But by linking the ban to terrorism, the US seems determined to further isolate Eritrea in the Horn of Africa. Be that as it may, it is clear that the Bush Administration has opted not to place Eritrea on its blacklist which would have amounted to a death penalty on relations between the two countries. Although bilateral, such a move would also have damaged Eritrea's relations with other countries especially US allies and friends around the world. Added to this would have been more sanctions including curbs on financial transactions between US citizens and Eritrea coupled with imposition of travel restrictions on Eritrean officials.
US-Eritrea ties turned sour as the animosity and rivalry between Eritrea and Ethiopia intensified following their bitter and devastating border war a decade ago. The bloodshed has had unpredictable and uncontrollable results which have badly incapacitated the two sides to demarcate their border and normalize relations. Both sides are still trying to find some meaning to their senseless and tragic losses at the expense of each other's interests and expectations.
Eritrea blames the US for not pressuring Ethiopia to demarcate the border in accordance with a legally binding UN finding in 2002. This is a fair proposition but, doubtless, unrealistic. Is it possible for the US to force Ethiopia to come to terms with Eritrea's position given the long history of bloodshed between the two peoples? History shows the US has not been good at bringing feuding neighbors or divided peoples together. One only needs to look at US involvement in Vietnam, the Middle East and Southern Africa during the Cold War.
It is in the national interest of Eritrea and Ethiopia to urgently see the need to work on normalizing relations and incrementally begin to resolve differences and issues of demarcation, economic cooperation and trade. It is time for the two sides to engage in confidence building endeavors and find a peaceful way out of the impasse.
While US policy on Africa under President-Elect Obama has yet to be formulated, Eritrea may not expect any change in US attitude given the make-up of Obama´s foreign policy advisors. The incoming US Administration will heed the binding international boundary ruling which Ethiopia has yet to act upon. But given Obama´s stress on dialogue and diplomacy in international relations, it is likely that the US will encourage discussions between Ethiopia and Eritrea before or after marking their common border.
One way for Eritrea to try to gain US support would be by pursuing what the US believes to be a constructive and peaceful foreign policy in the Horn region and by building a free and democratic system of government at home.
Michael Abraha can be reached at mike@RefugeeResearch.org
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