Kabylia´s Berbers, the Brethren of the Kuchitic Oromos and Sidamas, Demand Autonomy in Algeria
Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
July 06, 2008
The Kabyles are the Western Berbers, the brethren of the Eastern Hammitic nations of Africa who belong to the Cushitic (Kushitic) family. Culturally and linguistically original, the Western Berbers are the most authentic descendents of the Ancient Atlas, namely the entire circumference of Northwestern Africa. Their ancestors formed the outright majority of the population of the Carthaginian state, which expanded over most of the Mediterranean coast of Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, the Mediterranean coast of Spain, and the NW African coastland down to Senegal.
Relatives of the Ancient Egyptians and the Kushitic / Meroitic Ethiopians, the Ancient Berbers excelled in Arts, Letters, Sciences, Philosophy, Commerce and …. Democracy. Down to our days, despite their adhesion to Islam, the Berbers preserved a democratic social structure that has many parallels with the Eastern Hammitic social organization systems, notably the Gadaa system of the Oromos and the Luwa system of the Sidamas.
As the Ancient Egyptians called them Rebu, the entire NW Africa was called after them, and the term was taken by the Ancient Greeks and Romans (pronounced as Libya, Libyans) and for some time used as name for the entire African continent. Highly literate, the Ancient Berbers had introduced their own Tifinagh alphabet (also known as Libyco-Berberic) which is still in use today, along with other Berberic alphabets.
Close relatives to the Southern Berbers, known as Tuareg, the Kabyles are the cousins of the Hausa and Fulani speaking peoples, the brothers of the Sidamas, the Oromos, the Afars and the other Eastern Hammitic nations of Africa.
As much as the Oromos, the Ogadenis, the Afars and the Sidamas have been oppressed by the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians, as much as Sudan´s Nubians, Bejas and Furis (of Darfur) have been tyrannized by the (linguistically but not ethnically) arabized Kushites of Modern Sudan, so much the ethnically conscious and culturally committed Berbers of Kabylia have been persecuted by the colonial French, and the postcolonial regimes setup by the French in the shamefully divided Atlas.
Not a single drop of Arab blood can be found in African veins…
The historical reality throughout Northern – Northwestern Africa is simple: all the Arabic speaking populations of Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and Mauritania are not Arabs but Berbers who gradually got linguistically arabized because of their adhesion to Islam.
The official status that Arabic had as religious language in the times of the Caliphates down to the Ottoman era, and the radiation of Arabic as international diplomatic, academic and commercial language throughout the Islamic World contributed to the fact of the slow linguistic arabization of the Berbers. However, this fact did not imply either cultural or ethnic – racial arabization, as very few Arabs settled in the entire area of Atlas following the Islamic Explosion (7th century CE).
One has to underscore at this moment that the arrival of the Islamic armies in the area of today´s Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco did not involve many Arabs. As early as 650 CE, all the Yemenites (non Arabic Semites), many Aramaeans (non Arabic Semites – forming then the quasi-totality of the population in the area of today´s Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, SE Turkey, Iraq, SW Iran, Northern Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and the Emirates), many Copts (Egyptians - Khammitic) and many Persians (Indo-Europeans) had already adhered to Islam, and participated indeed in the Islamic military expeditions in NW Africa (less than 10% of the Islamic invaders of NW Africa were Arabs, originating from Hedjaz).
In a similar way, the Islamic armies that invaded Spain in the 8th century were formed by sizeable part of Berbers – new adepts of Islam.
It is noteworthy that as late as the beginning of the 19th century Arabic speakers did not outnumber Berberic speakers throughout this area that, with the exception of Morocco and Mauritania, belonged to the Ottoman Empire. It is only because of the vicious colonial plans of the French Apostate Freemasonic Lodge that arabization schemes have been overtly and covertly implemented, systematically supported, criminally encouraged and inhumanly promoted. The French plan consisted in utter spiritual genocide against the Berber Nation; it has however failed.
However, with the determined, courageous and truly revolutionary Request for Autonomy, MAK ushers us into the Era of the Berberic Rehabilitation of the Atlas which is meant to destroy the criminal colonial plans for a vast state of confused pseudo-Arabs whereby there is no more historical individuality, cultural traditional values, sense of ethnic belongingness, and national identity.
Far in the African West, the Dawn of a United Berberic Atlas heralds the most auspicious perspectives for the ongoing battle for Independence of the Berbers´ brethren in the African East, the Oromos, the Ogadenis, the Sidamas, the Shekachos, the Bejas and many others.
The Era of Originality closes down the criminal colonial times of mongrelism, confusion, ignorance, and lack of true identity. I republish here integrally the text of the Official Request for an Autonomy Status for Kabylia, promising to further expand in the future.
Official Request for an Autonomy Status for Kabylia – 23 June 2008
http://www.north-of-africa.com/article.php3?id_article=509
7 years after having formulated its first claim, MAK (Movement for Autonomy of Kabylia) has formally officialised its request for a regional autonomy to state authorities; a copy was addressed to international authorities and to Nelson Mandela. Adekar was choosen by the autonomist movement to send the registered mail, this locality is located at 1000 meter above the sea , mid-way between Vgayet and Tizi-Ouzou and close to Amirouche´s headquarters at Akfou. The delegation was headed by Mr. Ferhat Mehenni president, Mouloud Merbaki Chief secretary; Mohand Larvi Tayev Head of the National Council and Dr. Djillali Bouzouane. The delegation, then held a press conference, around 3.30 p.m at Tizi-Ouzou´s mediatheque; it was lived up by Ferhat Mehenni, in addition to the presence of MAK delegates, other members among the lecturers were present, such as : Mr Ait Chebbib Bouazziz, Said Laimchi and Mrs Kamira Nait Cid. Other initiatives will be taken in the weeks to come.
Timanit I Tmurt n Iqvayliyen, Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylia
Official Request for an Autonomy Status for Kabylia - M-A-K
To:
The Presidency of the Algerian Republic, Algerian Authorities, Popular Algerian Assembly, Algerian Senate, Algerian Constitutional Council
Copy:
United Nations, UOA, European Union, Human right watch, Amnesty International, FIDH, GITPA, CAF (Confederation des autochtones francophones), 07/13/2008 Mediterranean Union Summit, Nelson Mandela
The ´kabyle´ issue has poisoned the political climate in Algeria since it acceded to independence. After forty five years of confrontation, the difficult relations between the Algerian authorities and Kabylia have created on each side, conditioned reflexes of mistrust, which with time have radicalised respective positions. Their relations have been eroded by a mechanism that one could call "miming rivalry", those from irreducible enemies. The future, according to this logic and the process initiated by the 1963´s armed rebellion - that triggered the "Black spring" (2001-2003) and the "Berber spring" of 1980 - is heavily loaded and carry a burden of risks if the two parties do not come to an agreement.
We know that for such initiative, elected members of the government could have appointed legitimate representatives of Kabylia and their Algerian authorities´ counterpart. Unfortunately, until those do not recognise the existence of the Kabylia people, them as well as History have already disqualified such representatives many times. Once integrated into the Algerian electoral game, these parties and their elected members have career and power objectives that are far away from the will of their society and people. If that was not the case, the Algerian authorities would not have been forced to negotiate at least twice (School boycott 1994-1995, and black spring 2003-2004) with "unofficial" popular kabylian organisations: The "Mouvement Culturel Berbčre" (MCB) and the "Mouvement des Ârchs" !
The democratic representation of the kabylian people will be solved by polls, in a more opportune time. The most important for the time being is to identify the problem correctly and bring an adequate solution. This is at least, our duty before mankind and with regards to history before this solution is overtaken by events on the field.
Between Kabylia and the Algerian authority there is more than a misunderstanding, there is an abyss.
On one side, Kabylia that had its own organisation before the French colonisation of 1830 - which the Algiers Regency stumbled on - believed either in the new Algerian state based on the autonomy of independence war ´s Wilayas, or in a federal Algeria with a citizenship far from the "two colleges" of the colonial period in the benefit of Europeans. In short, she believed, even partially, in a recovery of its sovereignty lost to France. The independence war initiated on November 1st 1954 and its declaration were more dictated by the emergency of ending the colonial system than the restoration of a mythical Algerian state. The future of liberty was badly defined. Worse, it has never been discussed by the writers of the November 1st 1954 Declaration which only enumerate general principles to enrol the rest of the regions of the country other than Kabylia and Aures which were already ready. The essential was to engage in an armed process which goal was the independence of Algeria. Internal political disagreements were immediately (i.e. sine die) postponed. At the Soummam Congress, held in Kabylia in the midst of war, at the initiative of Abane Ramdane, a Kabylian, was already concerned by the same emergencies amid protests - on the content as well as on the modality - from already declared Kabylia´s opponents, among them some after reaching the supreme authority, continuing to contest up to today the spirit and the terms. This has not prevented Kabylia to commit itself - soul and body - during the war, until its end, on March 19th 1962.
At that point of time, the politico-military kabylians who survived seven years of war, realised that their ideal of liberty - for which their people paid high price -was slipping through their fingers. They engaged in a war against the new Algerian state under control of the FFS and its charismatic leader Ait Ahmed qualified by regime leaders of "secessionist" and "separatist". After their defeat against Algiers´ regime, the Kabylians never recognised themselves in the Algerian State, which is mistaken for its Government. Since the Algerian independence, the Kabylian has no choice but to turn his back on the government and its oppressive institutions. Fighting for his identity, his language and his culture in a new country that claims to be ´Arab´ where he is a minority, requesting democracy and human rights in order to get some minimum space to survive. Kabylia has given the more decisive strokes to the "Parti Unique" through the "Berber spring" in April 1980 and the creation of the first Algerian Human rights League.
After 1989, Kabylia is isolated and its dream to get along with the democratic Algeria vanishes in the smoke of burnt tyres and barricades, general strikes, sit-in, truncheons and repression which will leave their mark for at least a century. This refusal to be incorporated into an arabo-muslim Algeria - antechamber of a fascist and arabo-islamist Algeria as we can see it these days - was demonstrated at the January 25th 1999 walk, the school boycott of 1994/1995, the uprising following the muder of Matoub Lounes on 25/06/1998, and the "black spring" in 2001. Since then, Kabylia displays its political discord with Algiers by the Boycott of All Electiona (Referendum, presidential, legislative, or general elections).
On the Algerian State side, actions are more serious. Inheriting of the colonial French State, the Algerian regime pursues its methods, its colonialist vision and reflexes, at least against Kabylian whose identity, language and culture are declared as subversive and are furiously fought by the young Algerian State. The latest aims to eradicate those permanently by adopting a policy of cultural genocide through Arabism of their School who has half opened doors - to the "amazigh" language and not to the kabyle langage - for only 12 years. The Algerian constitution integrated it as "national langage" in 2002 only, but not as official and without any drastic change to the fate of the Tamazight language in people´s daily life. Therefore, there culturally and linguistically exist, first class and second class Algerian citizens. The "two colleges" policy - largely disparaged during the colonial period - has been largely renewed since 1962. Arabs are first-class citizens in Algeria, Amazigh in general and Kabylian more specifically are second-class citizens. They get killed, jailed, tortured, watched, are subject to provocations, insults and racket and exposed to national and public condemnation for their refusal of Arabism and Islamism, two elements that are for the Algerian authorities, the exclusive features of the Algerian identity.
Until now, those who ran Algeria have tirelessly pursued a policy to depersonalise Kabylia´s millennial identity, through an always renewed and sophisticated arabisation. They never hesitated to oppress, kill, jail and torture opponents or protesters willing to celebrate their kabyle identity. The incredible resistance of Kabylia to these renewed attacks increases tenfold each time the authorities´ hostility and will to destroy the social structure of Kabylian people. At this time, Army´s setting up controls throughout Kabylia, to prevent intentions that she does not have. Do these intentions exist on Algerian authorities´ side?
As seen, mutual suspicion and distrust are the expression of a long close presence where the chain of mistrust has led the two parties to a point of no return (dead-end). The Algerian authorities consider that the kabylian requests can not be addressed at a State level. Kabylians who constitutes the native people of its land do not trust anymore the Algerian State whatever its declarations are, that are immediately refuted by its acts. One can not erase or mop up easily decades of suffering, discrimination and injustice against a People. A people has always a memory, even a formal request asking forgiveness for all it has go through would not be enough to make it up for the crimes committed against it. The healing process will only be possible the day Kabylia can proclaim its regional autonomy. It is vital to restraint the use of force and drifts of violence to solve the legitimate recognition of every people, the kabyle issue.
Negotiations are more difficult during a crisis as the strength imbalance would penalise one party. It is now, a relatively calm time in Kabylia, when authorities should behave with a sense of human values and responsibility for a solution of reason. Hence, before the national and international opinion, on behalf of the Movement for autonomy of Kabylia, (M.A.K) we suggest :
1. The recognition by the Algerian State, of the Kabylian People
2. The implementation of an autonomy status for Kabylia
Under the international treaties signed by Algeria, compelling this one to accommodate with such request coming from a kabyle organisation, which claims the principle of people´s right to have themselves at their disposal.
If some doubts remain on the will of Kabylia to assume its destiny through an autonomous regional State linked to a central Algerian State, we suggest to hold a referendum as soon as possible, preceded by debates in all villages and cities of the Region. For every democrat, the verdict of the pool is the only way to know the will of a people.
Note
Translated from French by Lazare for north-of-africa.com
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