India rediscovers Africa, joins China in a hot race
Tongkeh Fowale
May 09, 2008
Introduction
If conference diplomacy, international summits and high level state visits were any solutions to underdevelopment, African problems, especially poverty would have ended abruptly at the beginning of the 21st century. This century opened with renewed interest in a continent that has been abandoned at the bottom of what Immanuel Wallestein calls "the international pecking order of states." This re-invigoration of outside interest in Africa coincided with what South African President Thabo Mbeki calls "African renaissance," symbolized by the birth of the African Union (AU) and the New Economic Partnership for African Development (NEPAD).
Since the dawn of the 21st century, Africa has enjoyed the pride of place as guest or host at important meetings and conferences with great powers. This new courtship once again highlights the need to re-examine Africa´s entire external relations enterprise. This is what AU Chairman, Alpha Oumar Konare summarized in a few words when he visited UNESCO headquarters in Paris, 2004. "What have we gained from all the large international conferences, all the major summit meetings whose results were often not assessed or partly, and willfully ignored?"
As prophetic as President Konare´s question might seem, its full weight and worth will be measured only by future generations. For now, the diplomatic mood is much about "renaissance," whatever this means for the millions of Africans drowning in abject poverty, the countless who go night and day without food, shelter and clothing, the millions in the claws of AIDS and malaria, and the hundreds of thousands of refugees on the pilgrimage to nowhere. The number of conferences with, for and about Africa continues rise. New Delhi, India´s capital was the latest scene of action.
India contributes to, and shares in Afro-optimism
The India-Africa Summit in New Delhi on April 8-9 2008 was the latest in a busy calendar of high level conferences between Africa and the outside world following the Mbeki-inspired "African renaissance." In an address to the Nigerian parliament a year before this conference, the Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh had indicated his country´s willingness to share in Africa´s growing fame. "India intends to be a partner in Africa´s resurgence," he said.
The Delhi Summit only added to an elastic list of such meetings that have characterized the African diplomatic atmosphere since 2000. In February 2008, President George Bush concluded a five nation tour of Africa where he predicted an African resurrection in the form of what he called a "Lazarus effect." In the same February of the previous year, Chinese President Hu Jintao concluded an eight country tour of Africa; a few months after his country successfully hosted the monumental Forum on China-Africa cooperation in Beijing in December 2006. Europe stole the show in December 2007 with the summoning of the EU-Africa Summit in Lisbon. On his part, President Nicolas Sarkozy pledged increased transparency between his country and Africa, while on a state visit to South Africa in February 2008, after issuing a controversial statement in Dakar.
The coming of India therefore, only added to an atmosphere of excitement in Africa. The transforming presence of China, the birth of an ambitious AU and NEPAD, encouraging pledges and commitments from Europe and America and an unending list of suitors provided enough reason for President Mbeki to dedicate the 21st century to Africa. "Charged with the honor of leading our continent by popular mandate, African leaders have declared this to be the African century," he said.
Despite this expression of optimism, Mbeki did not hesitate to point out the link between Africa´s resources and the thronging number of suitors in this heated scramble. "Africa´s strategic place in the global community is in part, defined by the fact that the continent is an indispensable resource base that serves all humanity as it has done for many centuries." Like Mbeki, President Konare sees boundless prospects for Africa in the 21st century. "The 21st century will be African. This is our resolute belief, for the role that Africa will play to stabilize a turbulent world once it has itself been stabilized will be crucial."
The Delhi Summit goes a long way to intensify the debate about Asia´s growing influence in Africa, as seen in the ´look east" policy adopted by many African states. Before the Delhi Summit, China was the brand name in Africa. And for this purpose, China has taken many blows. India´s entry into this hot race is already creating a new dimension to this debate as observers see a possible rivalry between India and China. However, Anand Sharma, Indian Minister of state for external affairs sharply disagrees with such claims. "India´s ties with Africa are time-tested, distinct and different. It can´t be compared with those of any other country," she said. She blames this misconception entirely on ignorance about what she calls "the history of India-Africa engagement."
The historical roots of India-Africa relations
Among the many outside players who claim a historical relationship with Africa as a right to entry, India has a good case. This history stretches from ancient times through colonialism to the modern period. The presence of a large Indian community or People of Indian Origin (PIO) in South Africa, East Africa and Mauritius is proof of this historical bond. This rich history of contacts between the two regions is what prompted Manmohan to qualify the Delhi Summit as an opportunity to create a "new chapter in the long history of the civilization contacts, friendship and cooperation between India and Africa."
Indian presence in (South) Africa is embodied in the undying legacy of the Indian sage Mahatma K. Gandhi (1869-1948). Foreseeing stronger cooperation between the two regions, Gandhi predicted that future commerce between India and Africa would be of ideas. Gandhi and his fellow Indians remain a source of pride and inspiration in the fight against the twin evils of colonialism and apartheid. "The contribution of PIOs to the liberation struggles against western colonialism in their respective countries is a heritage …," says Horace G. Campbell, professor of African American Studies at Syracuse University, New York. Gandhi lived in South Africa between 1893 and 1915. His philosophy of satyagraha or non-violent resistance inspired many Africa nationalists especially Kwame Nkkrumah.
Colonialism provided another strong bond between Africa and India. Britain, the colonial master of India was also a big player in Africa. The policy of Indirect Rule which flourished throughout British colonial Africa was tested and transported stock and barrel from India. During this period, the administrative network of the European colonial powers helped to connect India firmly with Africa. Portuguese administration of Gao for example, emanated from Mozambique while the British East Africa Protectorate (comprising present day Kenya and Uganda) was originally administered from Bombay.
After gaining independence in 1947, India assumed the responsibility of championing the course of independence for its sister continent, Africa. Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru spoke loudly in favor of decolonization. The Indian-led Non- Aligned Movement provided sanctuary to many nascent African states as they struggled to insulate themselves from the frostbite of the Cold War. This body has provided a forum through which marginalized African states have been able to contribute to international debates. Today, India maintains diplomatic ties with 19 out of the 47 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, many of them members of NAM.
This historical link provides the solid foundation for Afro-Indian engagement in contemporary times. This relationship includes a series of multilateral agreements binding India and African states. The Non Aligned Movement (NAM), stands out distinct as it continues to speak for weak states, majority of them in Africa. Others of no less significance include the Asia-Africa Summit, the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation, the India-Brazil-South Africa Trilateral Development Initiative and the G33 bloc of Developing nations at the World Trade organization. These alliances constitute the bedrock of South-South cooperation which is today a rising force in international politics.
The basis of India-Africa cooperation
Besides historical ties, the need for cooperation between India and Africa is becoming more urgent as the global economic and political landscape undergoes drastic changes. Both regions stand to gain from each other through friendly exchanges. "Our enemy is common," said President Mbeki. "We both have poverty and underdevelopment." Congolese President Joseph kabila spoke the same language when he said, "we came because we thought we would gain from India´s experience in reducing poverty through training, green revolution….We are looking for all those things that would make India and Africa fundamental players in the 21st century." Africa also sees India as a reliable partner that could boost development through public-private partnership.
Talking about the windfalls of this cooperation, Manmohan expressed the wish to see the 21st century transformed into what he called the "century of Asia and Africa with the two continents working together to promote inclusive globalization." The mutual benefits of this cooperation are as much economic as they are politico-strategic.
The need to secure energy supplies in Africa with an estimated 8% of the world´s known oil reserves is a driving force behind India´s rush to Africa. Delhi also faces the urgent task of diversifying and reducing its oil imports from the turbulent Middle-East which currently accounts for over two-thirds of India´s oil imports. With its expanding economy, India´s energy consumption is projected to double by 2030, making it the world´s third largest oil importer after the US and China. This thirst for oil has forced Indian oil companies such as ESSAR Oil Ltd, state-owned Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) and Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL) to strike deals in oil and energy assets in several African countries including Sudan, Kenya, Angola, Libya and Nigeria.
Trade concerns also figure among the many arguments for closer relations between India and Africa. Bilateral trade between India and Africa grew from US $ 967 million in 1991 to over $30billion in 2007-2008. Delhi has expressed its intention to double this to $50 billion by 2012. Africa´s share of India´s global trade increased from 5.8% in 2002-2003 to 8% in 2006-2007. India´s official investment in Africa stands at $2billion in addition to $5 billion from the private sector. Economic cooperation spans across several sectors including agriculture, small and medium enterprises, health, education, information technology and communications, automobiles, manufacturing and railways.
In the area of information technology, Africa increasingly looks up to India. India hopes to increase its sales in information and communication technology in Africa and gain a foothold in this sector before at is overwhelmed by China. The $135.6 million worth Pan African E-network launched in July last year is proof of India´s edge in the ICT sector. This initiative which has been called Africa´s largest infrastructure project in history is designed to develop Africa´s information and satellite communication technologies. The project aims to connect 53 African countries to a satellite and fibre-optic network. This project which aims at introducing new schemes such as Telemedicine is a major revolution in a continent in dire need of medical expertise.
The need to protect India´s commerce along the sea is also a deciding factor in her liaison with Africa. This is prompted by the fact that 90% of India´s trade volume and 70% of its trade value comes by sea. This forced India to conclude defense agreements with several African states bordering the Indian Ocean. These include Mauritius, the Seychelles, Madagascar, Mozambique, Kenya and Tanzania. India has also stepped up joint naval patrols and exercises with South Africa. Delhi established its first overseas surveillance facility in Madagascar in July 2007.
Still in the military and security connection Delhi has in recent years shown willingness to be a big player in Africa. South Africa´s strategic position in the Indian Ocean makes it ideal for naval and maritime communication with India. South Africa is also India´s reliable trading partner, especially in minerals. The air forces of both countries conducted joint naval exercises in 2004 and 2005. India also provided joint patrols off the Coast of Mozambique during the AU summit in 2003 and World Economic Forum meeting in 2004. India is currently the world´s third largest supplier of UN peace keeping troops. It is therefore a major source of peace keepers in Africa.
The export of minerals is a major defining feature of Africa´s external trade. This is also a major attraction for India. India´s best friends in Africa are among the richest producers of minerals, including diamonds, gold and uranium. The latter of which is becoming increasingly important as India expands its nuclear base. South Africa accounts for two thirds of Africa´s exports to India which comprises mainly of gold. Also, South Africa, together with Angola, Botswana and Congo account for 90% of the world´s supply of rough diamonds. India´s close ties with these states is largely explained by the fact that Delhi alone accounts for 90% of the world´s export of cut and polished diamonds. This adds to India´s increasing demand for Ore and metals to feed its booming economy.
Keeping economic and trade considerations aside the quest for greater representation in international politics is an important factor in Delhi´s Africa agenda. Before rediscovering the political significance of Africa, Delhi had concentrated its diplomatic energy in improving relations with great powers such as the US, EU, Russia, China and Japan. However, as India seeks greater representation especially at the UN, it has come to appreciate the role Africa can play in this process. Delhi is leading the Group of Four (G4) countries (India, Brazil, Germany and Japan) to collaborate with the increasingly influential AU to form a united front in seeking an expansion of the UN Security Council.
On Africa´s side, the call for a reformed Security Council has been a major concern. "With over 50 countries and 35% of the votes in the UN, Africa intends to increase its representation and strengthen its capacity to negotiate" said president Konare when he visited UNESCO in 2004. Three years later, President Robert Mugabe reiterated this call for the empowerment of Africa at the UN. "Justice demands that any Security Council reform redresses the fact that Africa is the only continent without a permanent seat and veto power in the Security Council."
India therefore hopes to make good use of Africa´s numeral strength and growing significance as an asset in its bid for ascension to the Security Council. As the largest bloc of nations in the UN, India cannot do without African support. In previous years, conflicting views and disagreements between Africa and the G4 had hindered each other´s efforts on the issue of UN reform. The need to work together on this issue is of mutual benefit to both Africa and India.
Beyond history, economics and trade, Africa and India share many cultural similarities. India´s Siddi Community came from Africa in the 10th Century and Africa currently plays host to about 2.5 million people of Indian origin who form the bond between the two regions. These are the building blocs and the firm historical, economic, political and cultural foundations of Afro-Indian alliance which was consummated on April 8-9 2008 in Delhi.
What does Delhi hold for Africa?
The same African statesmen who turned down EU proposed Equal Partnership Agreements (EPAs) last December in Lisbon were the same who assembled in Delhi on April 8-9 at the first India-Africa Forum Summit. Fourteen African states where represented at the conference, including the current chair of the African Union Commission.
Confident about Africa´s prospects and conscious of the history of exploitation surrounding the continent, these statesmen unanimously spoke a language of caution to India as it walks into a new Africa. Tanzanian president Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete warned that India´s interest in the continent should be a long-term engagement, the motive for which should not be "to exploit the natural resources of the continent, make huge profits and run away." He further warned against what he called a "cosmetic attitude." In a similar note, the Congolese president Joseph Kabila also insisted that "words speeches and promises" must be turned into "concrete action," and "visible projects" need to be taken as more than counter rhetoric.
President Mbeki, who has been very resentful of outside chase for Africa´s treasures, was very plain in his message to India. He called for meaningful and mutually beneficial cooperation based on shared experiences. "Our enemy is common; we both have poverty and underdevelopment," Mbeki pointed out. AU chairperson, Alpha Oumar Konare reminded India in strong terms that "Africa wants partners that will not use it as a source of raw materials but who will deal with the continent on equal footing." Said John Kufuor, President of Ghana, "African nations need help to industrialize. Africa requires technological and scientific development for its drive towards modernity to accelerate growth to improve the quality of life for its people."
Together with representatives from India, these African delegates signed the Delhi Declaration and the Africa-India Framework for Cooperation. The latter document identified areas of common interest and cooperation between bothregions. These two documents marked a new dawn in India-Africa relations in modern times.
In a surprise package to Africa, India offered a 5.4 billion dollar credit to support Africa´s development. The areas earmarked for this credit were information technology, rail transportation systems, telecommunication, power generation, small, medium and micro-enterprises. This adds to the 2.15 billion dollars worth of credit which India had earlier offered to Africa in the previous four years.
In another show of benevolence, India established a Duty Free Tariff Preference Scheme. By this, Delhi unilaterally decided to provide preferential market access for exports for 50 least developed countries, 34 of which are in Africa. Manhohan who announced this package said the products covered included cocoa, cotton, cashew nuts, sugar cane, ready made garments, fish-filets, copper, and aluminum as well as non-industrialized diamonds. This plan hoped to cover 94% of India´s tariff lines.
In the social domain, Mannohan also proposed the establishment of an India Africa Volunteer Corps to address development issues in both regions. He also indicated his country´s desire to double scholarships for African students in India.
The Delhi benevolence of April 2008 was neither spontaneous nor accidental. It only added to a series of bilateral and multilateral initiatives which had been used to forge closer economic ties between India and Africa. In March 2008 for example, India hosted the Fourth India-Africa Project Partnership in New Delhi which was attended by over 500 business delegates from 33 African countries. Some 150 projects worth $ 11 billion were discussed while the Export-import Bank of India Extended $ 30 million in credit to finance Indian Exports to Africa.
Does Africa offer a red carpet walk for India?
When compared with the Lisbon Summit of December 2007, the Delhi summit rates high in terms of the flexibility of negotiations and the practical benefits for Africa. This gives the impression of a hitch free, flawless and smooth relationship between Africa and India. This view gains more grounds when one observes the several commendations India has received in its ties with Africa in recent years. The World Bank for example has noted that Indian companies generally have a better record than Chinese companies in Africa with the former employing more locals than the latter. In Manmohan Singh´s view, these are the fruits of what he calls "equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit," the fundamental principles on which India-Africa partnership is "anchored."
These glorious arguments however hide some hidden frictions in this relationship. No matter how much India denies the existence of a dangerous rivalry with China, it remains a fact. India is threading on a continent which has been combed inside out by China. Delhi finds it increasingly difficult to compete dollar for dollar with China. India faced this harsh reality in 2004 when it confronted China´s financial muscle as both powers lobbied for exploration rights in Angola. China´s Export-Import Bank extended $2 billion worth of soft loans to Angola ten times India´s offer, which led Angolan company SONANGOL to support the bid by China´s CNPC over that of India´s ONGC for a stake in offshore exploration.
In other parts of Africa, Indian presence has created many sparks. In East Africa, especially in Kenya and Uganda, there is a long established history of labor unrest between ethnic Indians and indigenous Africans. In Kampala last year, an anti-Indian protest targeted the Indian community following attempts to hand over a swathe of rain forest to an Indian company for sugar plantation. In October 2007 in Nigeria, Indian steelworkers were abducted over a pay dispute with Union members.
India´s alliance with unsavory regimes in Africa especially Sudan is increasingly becoming an issue of worry. These are charges that have been levied against China in recent years and India is most likely to take its own share of the blame as it increases its foothold in the chaotic continent. In 2006 for example, India voted against a resolution at the UN Human Rights Council that would have put responsibility on Khartoum to end the violence in Darfur.
Despite the optimism expressed in Delhi, the amount of skepticism surrounding this new courtship is proof of imminent cracks. A week after the Delhi deliberations, the Convention People´s Party (CPP) of Ghana warned strongly against "a new scramble for Africa." It criticized India´s "duty free" scheme as aimed at cementing Africa´s position as producer of raw-materials on the one hand, and enhancing India´s industrial revolution on the other. "We don´t want to see history repeat itself" a statement issued by the CPP read.
Conclusion
Africa has the potential of making history, and of making history repeat itself. It has done both on many occasions and still seems likely to do so as the stakes continue to rise. But before this history is completely made, there are two big questions which African leaders and their foreign partners would have to answer sooner or later. These questions which so far remain daunting, were asked by AU chairman Alpha Oumar Konare when he visited UNESCO in 2004.
How many promising programs have been started over the last 40 years in the name of Africa? Throughout all these years, there has been no lack of good intensions but they have all fallen prey to power relations.
What dire consequences for a continent with growing poverty brought about by all those adjustment policies aimed more at managing the imbalance in the macro-economic aggregates than ensuring real developments?
This is "food for thought" for Africa, for India, for China, EU, US and the next guest.
If conference diplomacy, international summits and high level state visits were any solutions to underdevelopment, African problems, especially poverty would have ended abruptly at the beginning of the 21st century. This century opened with renewed interest in a continent that has been abandoned at the bottom of what Immanuel Wallestein calls "the international pecking order of states." This re-invigoration of outside interest in Africa coincided with what South African President Thabo Mbeki calls "African renaissance," symbolized by the birth of the African Union (AU) and the New Economic Partnership for African Development (NEPAD).
Since the dawn of the 21st century, Africa has enjoyed the pride of place as guest or host at important meetings and conferences with great powers. This new courtship once again highlights the need to re-examine Africa´s entire external relations enterprise. This is what AU Chairman, Alpha Oumar Konare summarized in a few words when he visited UNESCO headquarters in Paris, 2004. "What have we gained from all the large international conferences, all the major summit meetings whose results were often not assessed or partly, and willfully ignored?"
As prophetic as President Konare´s question might seem, its full weight and worth will be measured only by future generations. For now, the diplomatic mood is much about "renaissance," whatever this means for the millions of Africans drowning in abject poverty, the countless who go night and day without food, shelter and clothing, the millions in the claws of AIDS and malaria, and the hundreds of thousands of refugees on the pilgrimage to nowhere. The number of conferences with, for and about Africa continues rise. New Delhi, India´s capital was the latest scene of action.
India contributes to, and shares in Afro-optimism
The India-Africa Summit in New Delhi on April 8-9 2008 was the latest in a busy calendar of high level conferences between Africa and the outside world following the Mbeki-inspired "African renaissance." In an address to the Nigerian parliament a year before this conference, the Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh had indicated his country´s willingness to share in Africa´s growing fame. "India intends to be a partner in Africa´s resurgence," he said.
The Delhi Summit only added to an elastic list of such meetings that have characterized the African diplomatic atmosphere since 2000. In February 2008, President George Bush concluded a five nation tour of Africa where he predicted an African resurrection in the form of what he called a "Lazarus effect." In the same February of the previous year, Chinese President Hu Jintao concluded an eight country tour of Africa; a few months after his country successfully hosted the monumental Forum on China-Africa cooperation in Beijing in December 2006. Europe stole the show in December 2007 with the summoning of the EU-Africa Summit in Lisbon. On his part, President Nicolas Sarkozy pledged increased transparency between his country and Africa, while on a state visit to South Africa in February 2008, after issuing a controversial statement in Dakar.
The coming of India therefore, only added to an atmosphere of excitement in Africa. The transforming presence of China, the birth of an ambitious AU and NEPAD, encouraging pledges and commitments from Europe and America and an unending list of suitors provided enough reason for President Mbeki to dedicate the 21st century to Africa. "Charged with the honor of leading our continent by popular mandate, African leaders have declared this to be the African century," he said.
Despite this expression of optimism, Mbeki did not hesitate to point out the link between Africa´s resources and the thronging number of suitors in this heated scramble. "Africa´s strategic place in the global community is in part, defined by the fact that the continent is an indispensable resource base that serves all humanity as it has done for many centuries." Like Mbeki, President Konare sees boundless prospects for Africa in the 21st century. "The 21st century will be African. This is our resolute belief, for the role that Africa will play to stabilize a turbulent world once it has itself been stabilized will be crucial."
The Delhi Summit goes a long way to intensify the debate about Asia´s growing influence in Africa, as seen in the ´look east" policy adopted by many African states. Before the Delhi Summit, China was the brand name in Africa. And for this purpose, China has taken many blows. India´s entry into this hot race is already creating a new dimension to this debate as observers see a possible rivalry between India and China. However, Anand Sharma, Indian Minister of state for external affairs sharply disagrees with such claims. "India´s ties with Africa are time-tested, distinct and different. It can´t be compared with those of any other country," she said. She blames this misconception entirely on ignorance about what she calls "the history of India-Africa engagement."
The historical roots of India-Africa relations
Among the many outside players who claim a historical relationship with Africa as a right to entry, India has a good case. This history stretches from ancient times through colonialism to the modern period. The presence of a large Indian community or People of Indian Origin (PIO) in South Africa, East Africa and Mauritius is proof of this historical bond. This rich history of contacts between the two regions is what prompted Manmohan to qualify the Delhi Summit as an opportunity to create a "new chapter in the long history of the civilization contacts, friendship and cooperation between India and Africa."
Indian presence in (South) Africa is embodied in the undying legacy of the Indian sage Mahatma K. Gandhi (1869-1948). Foreseeing stronger cooperation between the two regions, Gandhi predicted that future commerce between India and Africa would be of ideas. Gandhi and his fellow Indians remain a source of pride and inspiration in the fight against the twin evils of colonialism and apartheid. "The contribution of PIOs to the liberation struggles against western colonialism in their respective countries is a heritage …," says Horace G. Campbell, professor of African American Studies at Syracuse University, New York. Gandhi lived in South Africa between 1893 and 1915. His philosophy of satyagraha or non-violent resistance inspired many Africa nationalists especially Kwame Nkkrumah.
Colonialism provided another strong bond between Africa and India. Britain, the colonial master of India was also a big player in Africa. The policy of Indirect Rule which flourished throughout British colonial Africa was tested and transported stock and barrel from India. During this period, the administrative network of the European colonial powers helped to connect India firmly with Africa. Portuguese administration of Gao for example, emanated from Mozambique while the British East Africa Protectorate (comprising present day Kenya and Uganda) was originally administered from Bombay.
After gaining independence in 1947, India assumed the responsibility of championing the course of independence for its sister continent, Africa. Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru spoke loudly in favor of decolonization. The Indian-led Non- Aligned Movement provided sanctuary to many nascent African states as they struggled to insulate themselves from the frostbite of the Cold War. This body has provided a forum through which marginalized African states have been able to contribute to international debates. Today, India maintains diplomatic ties with 19 out of the 47 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, many of them members of NAM.
This historical link provides the solid foundation for Afro-Indian engagement in contemporary times. This relationship includes a series of multilateral agreements binding India and African states. The Non Aligned Movement (NAM), stands out distinct as it continues to speak for weak states, majority of them in Africa. Others of no less significance include the Asia-Africa Summit, the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation, the India-Brazil-South Africa Trilateral Development Initiative and the G33 bloc of Developing nations at the World Trade organization. These alliances constitute the bedrock of South-South cooperation which is today a rising force in international politics.
The basis of India-Africa cooperation
Besides historical ties, the need for cooperation between India and Africa is becoming more urgent as the global economic and political landscape undergoes drastic changes. Both regions stand to gain from each other through friendly exchanges. "Our enemy is common," said President Mbeki. "We both have poverty and underdevelopment." Congolese President Joseph kabila spoke the same language when he said, "we came because we thought we would gain from India´s experience in reducing poverty through training, green revolution….We are looking for all those things that would make India and Africa fundamental players in the 21st century." Africa also sees India as a reliable partner that could boost development through public-private partnership.
Talking about the windfalls of this cooperation, Manmohan expressed the wish to see the 21st century transformed into what he called the "century of Asia and Africa with the two continents working together to promote inclusive globalization." The mutual benefits of this cooperation are as much economic as they are politico-strategic.
The need to secure energy supplies in Africa with an estimated 8% of the world´s known oil reserves is a driving force behind India´s rush to Africa. Delhi also faces the urgent task of diversifying and reducing its oil imports from the turbulent Middle-East which currently accounts for over two-thirds of India´s oil imports. With its expanding economy, India´s energy consumption is projected to double by 2030, making it the world´s third largest oil importer after the US and China. This thirst for oil has forced Indian oil companies such as ESSAR Oil Ltd, state-owned Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) and Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL) to strike deals in oil and energy assets in several African countries including Sudan, Kenya, Angola, Libya and Nigeria.
Trade concerns also figure among the many arguments for closer relations between India and Africa. Bilateral trade between India and Africa grew from US $ 967 million in 1991 to over $30billion in 2007-2008. Delhi has expressed its intention to double this to $50 billion by 2012. Africa´s share of India´s global trade increased from 5.8% in 2002-2003 to 8% in 2006-2007. India´s official investment in Africa stands at $2billion in addition to $5 billion from the private sector. Economic cooperation spans across several sectors including agriculture, small and medium enterprises, health, education, information technology and communications, automobiles, manufacturing and railways.
In the area of information technology, Africa increasingly looks up to India. India hopes to increase its sales in information and communication technology in Africa and gain a foothold in this sector before at is overwhelmed by China. The $135.6 million worth Pan African E-network launched in July last year is proof of India´s edge in the ICT sector. This initiative which has been called Africa´s largest infrastructure project in history is designed to develop Africa´s information and satellite communication technologies. The project aims to connect 53 African countries to a satellite and fibre-optic network. This project which aims at introducing new schemes such as Telemedicine is a major revolution in a continent in dire need of medical expertise.
The need to protect India´s commerce along the sea is also a deciding factor in her liaison with Africa. This is prompted by the fact that 90% of India´s trade volume and 70% of its trade value comes by sea. This forced India to conclude defense agreements with several African states bordering the Indian Ocean. These include Mauritius, the Seychelles, Madagascar, Mozambique, Kenya and Tanzania. India has also stepped up joint naval patrols and exercises with South Africa. Delhi established its first overseas surveillance facility in Madagascar in July 2007.
Still in the military and security connection Delhi has in recent years shown willingness to be a big player in Africa. South Africa´s strategic position in the Indian Ocean makes it ideal for naval and maritime communication with India. South Africa is also India´s reliable trading partner, especially in minerals. The air forces of both countries conducted joint naval exercises in 2004 and 2005. India also provided joint patrols off the Coast of Mozambique during the AU summit in 2003 and World Economic Forum meeting in 2004. India is currently the world´s third largest supplier of UN peace keeping troops. It is therefore a major source of peace keepers in Africa.
The export of minerals is a major defining feature of Africa´s external trade. This is also a major attraction for India. India´s best friends in Africa are among the richest producers of minerals, including diamonds, gold and uranium. The latter of which is becoming increasingly important as India expands its nuclear base. South Africa accounts for two thirds of Africa´s exports to India which comprises mainly of gold. Also, South Africa, together with Angola, Botswana and Congo account for 90% of the world´s supply of rough diamonds. India´s close ties with these states is largely explained by the fact that Delhi alone accounts for 90% of the world´s export of cut and polished diamonds. This adds to India´s increasing demand for Ore and metals to feed its booming economy.
Keeping economic and trade considerations aside the quest for greater representation in international politics is an important factor in Delhi´s Africa agenda. Before rediscovering the political significance of Africa, Delhi had concentrated its diplomatic energy in improving relations with great powers such as the US, EU, Russia, China and Japan. However, as India seeks greater representation especially at the UN, it has come to appreciate the role Africa can play in this process. Delhi is leading the Group of Four (G4) countries (India, Brazil, Germany and Japan) to collaborate with the increasingly influential AU to form a united front in seeking an expansion of the UN Security Council.
On Africa´s side, the call for a reformed Security Council has been a major concern. "With over 50 countries and 35% of the votes in the UN, Africa intends to increase its representation and strengthen its capacity to negotiate" said president Konare when he visited UNESCO in 2004. Three years later, President Robert Mugabe reiterated this call for the empowerment of Africa at the UN. "Justice demands that any Security Council reform redresses the fact that Africa is the only continent without a permanent seat and veto power in the Security Council."
India therefore hopes to make good use of Africa´s numeral strength and growing significance as an asset in its bid for ascension to the Security Council. As the largest bloc of nations in the UN, India cannot do without African support. In previous years, conflicting views and disagreements between Africa and the G4 had hindered each other´s efforts on the issue of UN reform. The need to work together on this issue is of mutual benefit to both Africa and India.
Beyond history, economics and trade, Africa and India share many cultural similarities. India´s Siddi Community came from Africa in the 10th Century and Africa currently plays host to about 2.5 million people of Indian origin who form the bond between the two regions. These are the building blocs and the firm historical, economic, political and cultural foundations of Afro-Indian alliance which was consummated on April 8-9 2008 in Delhi.
What does Delhi hold for Africa?
The same African statesmen who turned down EU proposed Equal Partnership Agreements (EPAs) last December in Lisbon were the same who assembled in Delhi on April 8-9 at the first India-Africa Forum Summit. Fourteen African states where represented at the conference, including the current chair of the African Union Commission.
Confident about Africa´s prospects and conscious of the history of exploitation surrounding the continent, these statesmen unanimously spoke a language of caution to India as it walks into a new Africa. Tanzanian president Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete warned that India´s interest in the continent should be a long-term engagement, the motive for which should not be "to exploit the natural resources of the continent, make huge profits and run away." He further warned against what he called a "cosmetic attitude." In a similar note, the Congolese president Joseph Kabila also insisted that "words speeches and promises" must be turned into "concrete action," and "visible projects" need to be taken as more than counter rhetoric.
President Mbeki, who has been very resentful of outside chase for Africa´s treasures, was very plain in his message to India. He called for meaningful and mutually beneficial cooperation based on shared experiences. "Our enemy is common; we both have poverty and underdevelopment," Mbeki pointed out. AU chairperson, Alpha Oumar Konare reminded India in strong terms that "Africa wants partners that will not use it as a source of raw materials but who will deal with the continent on equal footing." Said John Kufuor, President of Ghana, "African nations need help to industrialize. Africa requires technological and scientific development for its drive towards modernity to accelerate growth to improve the quality of life for its people."
Together with representatives from India, these African delegates signed the Delhi Declaration and the Africa-India Framework for Cooperation. The latter document identified areas of common interest and cooperation between bothregions. These two documents marked a new dawn in India-Africa relations in modern times.
In a surprise package to Africa, India offered a 5.4 billion dollar credit to support Africa´s development. The areas earmarked for this credit were information technology, rail transportation systems, telecommunication, power generation, small, medium and micro-enterprises. This adds to the 2.15 billion dollars worth of credit which India had earlier offered to Africa in the previous four years.
In another show of benevolence, India established a Duty Free Tariff Preference Scheme. By this, Delhi unilaterally decided to provide preferential market access for exports for 50 least developed countries, 34 of which are in Africa. Manhohan who announced this package said the products covered included cocoa, cotton, cashew nuts, sugar cane, ready made garments, fish-filets, copper, and aluminum as well as non-industrialized diamonds. This plan hoped to cover 94% of India´s tariff lines.
In the social domain, Mannohan also proposed the establishment of an India Africa Volunteer Corps to address development issues in both regions. He also indicated his country´s desire to double scholarships for African students in India.
The Delhi benevolence of April 2008 was neither spontaneous nor accidental. It only added to a series of bilateral and multilateral initiatives which had been used to forge closer economic ties between India and Africa. In March 2008 for example, India hosted the Fourth India-Africa Project Partnership in New Delhi which was attended by over 500 business delegates from 33 African countries. Some 150 projects worth $ 11 billion were discussed while the Export-import Bank of India Extended $ 30 million in credit to finance Indian Exports to Africa.
Does Africa offer a red carpet walk for India?
When compared with the Lisbon Summit of December 2007, the Delhi summit rates high in terms of the flexibility of negotiations and the practical benefits for Africa. This gives the impression of a hitch free, flawless and smooth relationship between Africa and India. This view gains more grounds when one observes the several commendations India has received in its ties with Africa in recent years. The World Bank for example has noted that Indian companies generally have a better record than Chinese companies in Africa with the former employing more locals than the latter. In Manmohan Singh´s view, these are the fruits of what he calls "equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit," the fundamental principles on which India-Africa partnership is "anchored."
These glorious arguments however hide some hidden frictions in this relationship. No matter how much India denies the existence of a dangerous rivalry with China, it remains a fact. India is threading on a continent which has been combed inside out by China. Delhi finds it increasingly difficult to compete dollar for dollar with China. India faced this harsh reality in 2004 when it confronted China´s financial muscle as both powers lobbied for exploration rights in Angola. China´s Export-Import Bank extended $2 billion worth of soft loans to Angola ten times India´s offer, which led Angolan company SONANGOL to support the bid by China´s CNPC over that of India´s ONGC for a stake in offshore exploration.
In other parts of Africa, Indian presence has created many sparks. In East Africa, especially in Kenya and Uganda, there is a long established history of labor unrest between ethnic Indians and indigenous Africans. In Kampala last year, an anti-Indian protest targeted the Indian community following attempts to hand over a swathe of rain forest to an Indian company for sugar plantation. In October 2007 in Nigeria, Indian steelworkers were abducted over a pay dispute with Union members.
India´s alliance with unsavory regimes in Africa especially Sudan is increasingly becoming an issue of worry. These are charges that have been levied against China in recent years and India is most likely to take its own share of the blame as it increases its foothold in the chaotic continent. In 2006 for example, India voted against a resolution at the UN Human Rights Council that would have put responsibility on Khartoum to end the violence in Darfur.
Despite the optimism expressed in Delhi, the amount of skepticism surrounding this new courtship is proof of imminent cracks. A week after the Delhi deliberations, the Convention People´s Party (CPP) of Ghana warned strongly against "a new scramble for Africa." It criticized India´s "duty free" scheme as aimed at cementing Africa´s position as producer of raw-materials on the one hand, and enhancing India´s industrial revolution on the other. "We don´t want to see history repeat itself" a statement issued by the CPP read.
Conclusion
Africa has the potential of making history, and of making history repeat itself. It has done both on many occasions and still seems likely to do so as the stakes continue to rise. But before this history is completely made, there are two big questions which African leaders and their foreign partners would have to answer sooner or later. These questions which so far remain daunting, were asked by AU chairman Alpha Oumar Konare when he visited UNESCO in 2004.
How many promising programs have been started over the last 40 years in the name of Africa? Throughout all these years, there has been no lack of good intensions but they have all fallen prey to power relations.
What dire consequences for a continent with growing poverty brought about by all those adjustment policies aimed more at managing the imbalance in the macro-economic aggregates than ensuring real developments?
This is "food for thought" for Africa, for India, for China, EU, US and the next guest.
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