Ethiopia's US-Backed Illegal Invasion of Somalia
Sophia Tesfamariam
January 04, 2007
Dan Simpson in a 3 January 2007 article posted in the Pittsburg Post Gazette under the title “A bad year in foreign affairs” listed what he concluded were the most important foreign affairs developments of 2006 and listed 6 of them. I agree with his astute and conscious assessment of developments in 2006 and their significance to our collective security and future. I will let the readers read the above mentioned developments for themselves and excerpt the one that I want to address for my current article, listed under #4 in the 3 January 2007 post. Simpson wrote:
Most shocking was the African Union-sanctioned invasion of Somalia by a reported 20,000 Ethiopian troops, supported by aircraft, tanks and artillery…Where is the idea at this point that a military invasion of one country by another is a violation of international law? Is the Iraq-Kuwait 1990-1991 affair erased from the books? Or does the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia not matter because it's just two African countries going at it? And what, exactly is the significance of U.S. military support of Ethiopia in its assault? By the way, if U.S. experience in Somalia 1992-1995 suggests any lesson, it is that the Ethiopians may have found it easy to go into Somalia, but the Somalis will now make their lives a hell as an occupying power…”
In all fairness to the inept and corrupt regional organization we continue to call the African Union, it never sanctioned the minority regime in Ethiopia’s illegal aggressive invasion of Somalia. According to a BBC report on 26 December 2006 it was Patrick Mazimhaka, the Deputy Chairman of the African Union’s Commission who told the BBC that the African Union would not criticize Ethiopia as it had:
given us ample warning that it feels threatened by the UIC…”
Unfortunately, that may have given some naïve and gullible folks the idea that the African Union had approved Meles Zenawi’s illegal invasion of Somalia…it didn’t. Neither Mazimhaka nor the Commission can rule on such an important matter, it is not within its jurisdiction. Such important matters are addressed within the AU’s Peace and Security Council and as far as I know, at the time of Ethiopia’s invasion, they had not met yet. So Mr. Mazimhaka’s personal endorsement was nothing more than a staged, deceptive propaganda designed to hoodwink the Ethiopian people and in this case the BBC, and others who are not familiar with Meles Zenawi’s history of gimmicks and ploys.
Those of us who have been following developments in Africa were not fooled by the “personalities” paraded in front of the cameras and microphones in Meles Zenawi’s effort to rally international support for his minority regime’s misguided adventures into Somalia. The regime in Addis has always used prominent self-serving personalities, religious leaders, “experts”, “unnamed diplomats”, “senior officials”, and Addis based Ambassadors, in its various campaigns. The regime has a documented history of lying, 17 year long pattern of deception, of purposely misleading the Ethiopian people, dodging the truth, and saying one thing and doing another. I could go on and on…
Simpson asked, “Where is the idea at this point that a military invasion of one country by another is a violation of international law?” Good question. A bit of background might help Simpson and others understand the issues surrounding the Ethiopian regime, its warmongering agendas and the deafening silence (acquiescence) of the US led international community as it belligerently invades neighboring countries, intimidates and harasses, massacres in cold blood and detains thousands of Ethiopians.
Allow me to remind Simpson and others that, using pretty much the same modus operandi it used to wage its war of aggression and invasion against Somalia in December 2006, the minority regime in Ethiopia waged its war of aggression and expansion against another neighbor, Eritrea in 1997. The only difference is the pretexts used. In Somalia, its pretext was “to hunt down terrorists”. In Eritrea its pretext was Badme, a sovereign Eritrean territory. In both cases the rubber stamp Ethiopian parliament gave its blessing and in both cases the bonafide Ethiophyle Patrick Mazimhaka gave his support to the minority regime and its handlers (US State Department).
After a bitter two year war that cost the lives of over 120,000 Ethiopians who were used as cannon fodder and minesweepers in the regime’s war of aggression and expansion against Eritrea, the Algiers Agreements were signed on 12 December 2000. The Algiers Agreements were signed by H.E. President Isaias Afwerki for Eritrea and by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi for Ethiopia and witnessed and guaranteed by Secretary General Kofi Annan representing the United Nations, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of the Democratic Republic of Algeria, President Obasanjo of Nigeria, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright representing the United States, Secretary General, Salim Ahmed Salim representing the OAU [now AU], and Senator Renato Serri representing the European Union.
In accordance with the Algiers Agreements signed by Eritrea and Ethiopia, an independent Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) was formed with a mandate to delimit and demarcate the Eritrea Ethiopia border. On 13 April 2002 the EEBC delivered its Final and Binding decision. At first the minority regime attempted to hoodwink the Ethiopian people by boisterously announcing through its media outlets that Ethiopia had won, that Badme, the casus belli for the border conflict, had been awarded to Ethiopia etc. etc. But its lies were soon exposed and then its attempts to have the Final and Binding EEBC decision reversed began.
The minority regime in the beginning tried to approach the EEBC on its own, but when they didn’t succumb to its tantrums, obscenity and harassment, Meles Zenawi appealed to his personal friend Kofi Annan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations. Kofi Annan obliged by appointing Lloyd Axworthy as his Special Envoy for Eritrea and Ethiopia using “dialogue” as a pretext to amend, revisit, revise, and reverse the Final and Binding EEBC decision.
That began the series of ploys and time buying gimmicks employed by the regime and its handlers to have the Final and Binding EEBC decision amended, changed, revised, and reversed. The latest gimmick, under the guise, “meeting of the witnesses”, and introduction of General Fulford as the “neutral facilitator” was orchestrated by none other than Jendayi E. Frazier, Assistant US Secretary of State for African Affairs and Kofi Annan. General Fulford was the Director of the recently established African Center for Strategic Studies in Ethiopia. How neutral is that…
The EEBC expressing its frustration and addressing Ethiopia's continued obstruction of the demarcation process, the EEBC, in its 24 February 2005 Report to the Security Council wrote:
"...Ethiopia is not prepared to allow demarcation to continue in the manner laid down in the Demarcation Directions and in accordance with the timeline set by the Commission. It now insists on prior "dialogue" but has rejected the opportunity for such "dialogue" within the framework of the demarcation process provided by the Commission's proposal to meet with the Parties on 22 February. This is the latest in a series of obstructive actions taken since the summer of 2002 and belies the frequently professed acceptance by Ethiopia of the Delimitation Decision... The mandate of the Commission as laid down in Article 4, paragraphs 1 and 2 of the Algiers Agreement was “to delimit and demarcate the colonial treaty border based on pertinent colonial treaties (1900, 1902 and 1908) and applicable international law. The Commission shall not have the power to make decisions ex aequo et bono.” In the proceedings leading to the Delimitation Decision, neither Party contended that the Commission should depart from the boundaries that it would objectively determine were laid down in the stated treaties… the Commission is taking immediate steps to close down its Field Offices. These can be reactivated (though subject to some months of lead time) if Ethiopia abandons its present insistence on preconditions for the implementation of the demarcation…Though undemarcated, this line is binding upon both Parties…Conduct inconsistent with this boundary line is unlawful..."
With that, the EEBC closed its offices and left the area. Meanwhile, the minority regime in Ethiopia continues to militarily occupy sovereign Eritrean territories, including Badme. Thousands of Eritreans have been unable to return to their villages and farms and are living in makeshift camps. The US led international community continues to give the regime financial, diplomatic and political support as it violates over two dozen Security Council resolutions flouts international law and refuses to abide by Agreements it willingly and consciously signed prolonging its occupation of sovereign Eritrean territories.
As for the significance of US military support for Ethiopia in its assault on Somalia, I honestly see none. The acquiescence of the US State Department and the gag on US media about the military invasion of Somalia should be seen in the context of overall US policy for Africa. US policy in sub-Saharan Africa is built around the concept of “anchor states.” Three countries carry this designation today: South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya.
These states are the main focus of US aid and diplomacy and serve as hubs through which the US seeks to influence events in surrounding sub-regions. Ethiopia long occupied a similar place in the pantheon of US allies and clients in Africa and the current regime, a minority Tigrayan regime, with its incurable inferiority complex, believes that the invasion of Somalia at the behest of Jendayi E. Frazier will guarantee its designation as one…hence its desire to assiduously serve Washington’s interests in Somalia or any where else.
Dan Simpson concluded his article saying:
With 2006 showing weak U.S. performance in foreign affairs, and with the presence of Donald Rumsfeld no longer glowering from the Pentagon, it is perhaps time for Mr. Bush to consider changing out Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who clearly didn't make the playoffs this year…Some of our problems are susceptible to resolution with capable leadership…”
The issue of Condoleezza Rice seems moot at this time considering the fact that President Bush has now appointed John Negroponte as the Deputy Secretary of State. To his credit, on the issue of Somalia, Negroponte did not agree with Jendayi E. Frazier’s erroneous public and vocal assertions that the UIC had links to Al Queda. As the Director of National Intelligence, I think he would know. We will have to wait and see if he is confirmed and how he makes his presence felt at the Us State Department.
Finally, the fact that Condoleezza Rice is still in office signals to me the President’s realization that he needs to have a seasoned diplomat running the Department, but not the heart to depose his longtime personal friend and confidante. In any case, it really does not matter who is in charge at the US State Department. As I have stated many times before, the United States government must come up with a coherent, credible, sensible, long term policy for Africa so that the people of Africa are not relegated to the personal whims and desires of inexperienced, self-serving cocktail diplomats.
If the United States stands up for the rule of law, promotes justice and development, the issue of terrorism will resolve on its own. If the United States undermines international law, undermines a people’s right to self determination and development, props up and provides diplomatic, financial, political and military support for illegitimate repressive regimes such as the vote rigging, genocidal minority regime in Ethiopia led by Meles Zenawi…
The rule of law must prevail over the law of the jungle!
Most shocking was the African Union-sanctioned invasion of Somalia by a reported 20,000 Ethiopian troops, supported by aircraft, tanks and artillery…Where is the idea at this point that a military invasion of one country by another is a violation of international law? Is the Iraq-Kuwait 1990-1991 affair erased from the books? Or does the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia not matter because it's just two African countries going at it? And what, exactly is the significance of U.S. military support of Ethiopia in its assault? By the way, if U.S. experience in Somalia 1992-1995 suggests any lesson, it is that the Ethiopians may have found it easy to go into Somalia, but the Somalis will now make their lives a hell as an occupying power…”
In all fairness to the inept and corrupt regional organization we continue to call the African Union, it never sanctioned the minority regime in Ethiopia’s illegal aggressive invasion of Somalia. According to a BBC report on 26 December 2006 it was Patrick Mazimhaka, the Deputy Chairman of the African Union’s Commission who told the BBC that the African Union would not criticize Ethiopia as it had:
given us ample warning that it feels threatened by the UIC…”
Unfortunately, that may have given some naïve and gullible folks the idea that the African Union had approved Meles Zenawi’s illegal invasion of Somalia…it didn’t. Neither Mazimhaka nor the Commission can rule on such an important matter, it is not within its jurisdiction. Such important matters are addressed within the AU’s Peace and Security Council and as far as I know, at the time of Ethiopia’s invasion, they had not met yet. So Mr. Mazimhaka’s personal endorsement was nothing more than a staged, deceptive propaganda designed to hoodwink the Ethiopian people and in this case the BBC, and others who are not familiar with Meles Zenawi’s history of gimmicks and ploys.
Those of us who have been following developments in Africa were not fooled by the “personalities” paraded in front of the cameras and microphones in Meles Zenawi’s effort to rally international support for his minority regime’s misguided adventures into Somalia. The regime in Addis has always used prominent self-serving personalities, religious leaders, “experts”, “unnamed diplomats”, “senior officials”, and Addis based Ambassadors, in its various campaigns. The regime has a documented history of lying, 17 year long pattern of deception, of purposely misleading the Ethiopian people, dodging the truth, and saying one thing and doing another. I could go on and on…
Simpson asked, “Where is the idea at this point that a military invasion of one country by another is a violation of international law?” Good question. A bit of background might help Simpson and others understand the issues surrounding the Ethiopian regime, its warmongering agendas and the deafening silence (acquiescence) of the US led international community as it belligerently invades neighboring countries, intimidates and harasses, massacres in cold blood and detains thousands of Ethiopians.
Allow me to remind Simpson and others that, using pretty much the same modus operandi it used to wage its war of aggression and invasion against Somalia in December 2006, the minority regime in Ethiopia waged its war of aggression and expansion against another neighbor, Eritrea in 1997. The only difference is the pretexts used. In Somalia, its pretext was “to hunt down terrorists”. In Eritrea its pretext was Badme, a sovereign Eritrean territory. In both cases the rubber stamp Ethiopian parliament gave its blessing and in both cases the bonafide Ethiophyle Patrick Mazimhaka gave his support to the minority regime and its handlers (US State Department).
After a bitter two year war that cost the lives of over 120,000 Ethiopians who were used as cannon fodder and minesweepers in the regime’s war of aggression and expansion against Eritrea, the Algiers Agreements were signed on 12 December 2000. The Algiers Agreements were signed by H.E. President Isaias Afwerki for Eritrea and by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi for Ethiopia and witnessed and guaranteed by Secretary General Kofi Annan representing the United Nations, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of the Democratic Republic of Algeria, President Obasanjo of Nigeria, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright representing the United States, Secretary General, Salim Ahmed Salim representing the OAU [now AU], and Senator Renato Serri representing the European Union.
In accordance with the Algiers Agreements signed by Eritrea and Ethiopia, an independent Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) was formed with a mandate to delimit and demarcate the Eritrea Ethiopia border. On 13 April 2002 the EEBC delivered its Final and Binding decision. At first the minority regime attempted to hoodwink the Ethiopian people by boisterously announcing through its media outlets that Ethiopia had won, that Badme, the casus belli for the border conflict, had been awarded to Ethiopia etc. etc. But its lies were soon exposed and then its attempts to have the Final and Binding EEBC decision reversed began.
The minority regime in the beginning tried to approach the EEBC on its own, but when they didn’t succumb to its tantrums, obscenity and harassment, Meles Zenawi appealed to his personal friend Kofi Annan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations. Kofi Annan obliged by appointing Lloyd Axworthy as his Special Envoy for Eritrea and Ethiopia using “dialogue” as a pretext to amend, revisit, revise, and reverse the Final and Binding EEBC decision.
That began the series of ploys and time buying gimmicks employed by the regime and its handlers to have the Final and Binding EEBC decision amended, changed, revised, and reversed. The latest gimmick, under the guise, “meeting of the witnesses”, and introduction of General Fulford as the “neutral facilitator” was orchestrated by none other than Jendayi E. Frazier, Assistant US Secretary of State for African Affairs and Kofi Annan. General Fulford was the Director of the recently established African Center for Strategic Studies in Ethiopia. How neutral is that…
The EEBC expressing its frustration and addressing Ethiopia's continued obstruction of the demarcation process, the EEBC, in its 24 February 2005 Report to the Security Council wrote:
"...Ethiopia is not prepared to allow demarcation to continue in the manner laid down in the Demarcation Directions and in accordance with the timeline set by the Commission. It now insists on prior "dialogue" but has rejected the opportunity for such "dialogue" within the framework of the demarcation process provided by the Commission's proposal to meet with the Parties on 22 February. This is the latest in a series of obstructive actions taken since the summer of 2002 and belies the frequently professed acceptance by Ethiopia of the Delimitation Decision... The mandate of the Commission as laid down in Article 4, paragraphs 1 and 2 of the Algiers Agreement was “to delimit and demarcate the colonial treaty border based on pertinent colonial treaties (1900, 1902 and 1908) and applicable international law. The Commission shall not have the power to make decisions ex aequo et bono.” In the proceedings leading to the Delimitation Decision, neither Party contended that the Commission should depart from the boundaries that it would objectively determine were laid down in the stated treaties… the Commission is taking immediate steps to close down its Field Offices. These can be reactivated (though subject to some months of lead time) if Ethiopia abandons its present insistence on preconditions for the implementation of the demarcation…Though undemarcated, this line is binding upon both Parties…Conduct inconsistent with this boundary line is unlawful..."
With that, the EEBC closed its offices and left the area. Meanwhile, the minority regime in Ethiopia continues to militarily occupy sovereign Eritrean territories, including Badme. Thousands of Eritreans have been unable to return to their villages and farms and are living in makeshift camps. The US led international community continues to give the regime financial, diplomatic and political support as it violates over two dozen Security Council resolutions flouts international law and refuses to abide by Agreements it willingly and consciously signed prolonging its occupation of sovereign Eritrean territories.
As for the significance of US military support for Ethiopia in its assault on Somalia, I honestly see none. The acquiescence of the US State Department and the gag on US media about the military invasion of Somalia should be seen in the context of overall US policy for Africa. US policy in sub-Saharan Africa is built around the concept of “anchor states.” Three countries carry this designation today: South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya.
These states are the main focus of US aid and diplomacy and serve as hubs through which the US seeks to influence events in surrounding sub-regions. Ethiopia long occupied a similar place in the pantheon of US allies and clients in Africa and the current regime, a minority Tigrayan regime, with its incurable inferiority complex, believes that the invasion of Somalia at the behest of Jendayi E. Frazier will guarantee its designation as one…hence its desire to assiduously serve Washington’s interests in Somalia or any where else.
Dan Simpson concluded his article saying:
With 2006 showing weak U.S. performance in foreign affairs, and with the presence of Donald Rumsfeld no longer glowering from the Pentagon, it is perhaps time for Mr. Bush to consider changing out Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who clearly didn't make the playoffs this year…Some of our problems are susceptible to resolution with capable leadership…”
The issue of Condoleezza Rice seems moot at this time considering the fact that President Bush has now appointed John Negroponte as the Deputy Secretary of State. To his credit, on the issue of Somalia, Negroponte did not agree with Jendayi E. Frazier’s erroneous public and vocal assertions that the UIC had links to Al Queda. As the Director of National Intelligence, I think he would know. We will have to wait and see if he is confirmed and how he makes his presence felt at the Us State Department.
Finally, the fact that Condoleezza Rice is still in office signals to me the President’s realization that he needs to have a seasoned diplomat running the Department, but not the heart to depose his longtime personal friend and confidante. In any case, it really does not matter who is in charge at the US State Department. As I have stated many times before, the United States government must come up with a coherent, credible, sensible, long term policy for Africa so that the people of Africa are not relegated to the personal whims and desires of inexperienced, self-serving cocktail diplomats.
If the United States stands up for the rule of law, promotes justice and development, the issue of terrorism will resolve on its own. If the United States undermines international law, undermines a people’s right to self determination and development, props up and provides diplomatic, financial, political and military support for illegitimate repressive regimes such as the vote rigging, genocidal minority regime in Ethiopia led by Meles Zenawi…
The rule of law must prevail over the law of the jungle!
Print
Email
