Does U.N. Attempt to Recruit Somalia´s Ex-Army Officers Evoke Nostalgia or Poke Old Wounds?

Dalmar Kaahin
Although U.N. efforts to rebuild Somalia´s shattered military invokes nostalgia and reminisces about Somali National Army´s SNA glorious days in the battle fields, once a mighty African force that its enemies trembled with fear—the SNA´s dark side, the atrocities it inflicted not on the enemy but on the Somaliland citizens it supposed protect remains the root cause of Somalia´s turmoil.

During the 80s, for many citizens in Somaliland and Puntland clouds of dust from a distance signaled time to flee. As hundreds of SNA´s killing machines: Soviet-made T54 tanks, Armored Personnel Carriers, and trucks loaded with brutal soldiers rumbled down onto dry plains, a cloud of dust trailed behind them; every citizen was on his/her own, no time for prayers. Many civilians never escaped; survivors live with the trauma.

My vivid memories of the SNA still haunt me. Then, as a little boy, I heard a lot about the SNA´s brutalities against Somaliland and Puntland people but never understood how such atrocities were possible. However, in the summer of 1985 much of my perception towards the SNA changed forever.

On a sunny afternoon, we departed from the dusty city of Burao in Somaliland to HAWD area in the Somali region of Ethiopia. For every few kilometers, the SNA forces, at checkpoints, not only looted our possessions but also terrorized us. At sunset, when we reached the border village of Durukhsi the SNA forced us to abandon our truck. We were told that we must trek a long journey through a thick jungle to reach our destination. No vehicles were allowed to cross the border. It was part of the SNA's strategy to starve the population on the other side of the border. We were seventeen passengers: eight women, four children, and five men.

Local villagers warned us that the SNA forces will track us. Once they find us, women will face rape; men, summary execution. When we asked the locals if it was safe to spend the night in the village and continue our trip during daytime, they suggested the other way around. They said, during daytime the SNA will capture us in not time. We will be at its mercy within hours; however, at night we always have a chance to evade the SNA.

Knowing that we face what we fear the most—a brutal death in the hands of the SNA—we departed from Durukhsi. And no sooner did we reach its outskirt than the SNA like African wild dogs began sniffing our footprints to track us. To make matters worse, as darkness fell across the land, ominous dark clouds loomed on the horizon; wind and rain gathered momentum and so did our fear. It rained all night long.

What a nigh to remember for a young lad! Cruel SNA forces tracking our footsteps, jackals howling relentlessly and hyenas shrieking intermittently in the jungle, deafening sound of thunder and heavy rain pounding us, thick forest´s sharp needles tearing our clothes and skins alike, and overwhelming fear that refused to free our thoughts—it was a night that terrified travelers were caught between nature´s assault and SNA´s brutality.

Worse yet, we knew if we crossed the border the Somali National Movement SNM forces that bitterly fought against the SNA on the other side took no prisoners at night. If any one crossed the border at night, SNM forces shot to kill him/her as to stop possible SNA infiltrators. At the same time, the SNA forces were tracking us fast. So as the distance between the SNA and us shortened, fear overwhelmed the most vulnerable citizens: women and children. On the other hand, men feared the worst but pondered possible solutions.

Luckily, one wise man named Ahmed Gaab proposed the most cleaver strategy to dodge the SNA. Instead of travelling straight to south as SNA expected, we detoured to east. Soon we lost the SNA, but still we couldn´t trust our instincts, nor could we cross the border; so while rain poured we waited for hours in the dark and huddled together under a tree. Because of fear hardly any one spoke a word. When the morning came, we began our horrific journey. Shortly, we reached Halhalis village. At last, although we were horrified, soaked, and exhausted, we all made it. These are my memories of the SNA and I am one of the lucky ones.

Others never escaped the SNA's killing machines. It either butchered Somaliland people, or put them against one another. In all major Somaliland cities: Borame, Hargeisa, Berbera, Sheikh, Burao, Las Anod, Erigabo and almost every village population fled. Some feared the SNA; others, rebels. The SNA slaughtered over 50,000 civilians. Most of them never received dignified burials. Perhaps, thousands more died as the result of tribal wars between Somaliland people instigated by the SNA. Without a doubt, one way or the other the entire Somaliland people were victims.

Yet the same officers who commanded the SNA of the 80s are now called to lead Somalia´s army while their victims barely healed from psychological and physical trauma. That is, men like Gen. Mohamed Ali Samatar, a former defense minister and prime minister of Somalia, Col. Yusuf Abdi Ali (Tuke), and notorious Gen. Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan—the butcher of Hargeisa—could be at the helm of the SNA again. Shouldn´t they face International Court for war crimes? See reports of that detail their crimes:

http://www.cja.org/cases/Somalia%20Press/WashPost11.11.04.pdf

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohammed_Said_Hersi_Morgan

Don´t get me wrong. To rebuild the SNA is a noble idea, but who should lead it? The U.N. recent proposal to recall Somalia´s ex-army offices won´t help to rebuild the army but will poke barely healed wounds. See the U.N. press release. http://tinyurl.com/rdmzry Neither half-baked Somali regimes parachuted into Mogadishu, nor do war criminals summoned to Washington create a lasting peace in Somalia.

Homegrown Solution for Somalia´s Turmoil


What the U.N. should propose is: a homegrown remedy for Somalia´s violent turbulences. That is, the U.N. should convince the current Somali regime to seek Somaliland´s help. But first, it will be unwise and suicidal for President Sheekh Shariif and his Prime Minster Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke of Somalia not to agree on Somaliland´s possible demands:

Both leaders must unequivocally state that once Somalia stabilizes they will open a dialogue with Somaliland as to discuss the Somali unity case. But if negations fail, Somalia will not oppose or hinder the wishes of Somaliland people to stand as a separate nation. Also, Somali leaders must clearly state that few dozen Somaliland individuals in the current Somali government represent only themselves because Somaliland has elected leaders. Similarly, Mr. Sharmarke has to convince his Puntland region to quit instigating trouble in Somaliland. Puntland should drop its territorial claims of Somaliland regions. (See this article about Somaliland individuals´ plot to govern Somaliland from Mogadishu with a remote control: http://somalilandpress.com/4899/somaliland-individuals-perform-exotic-belly-dances )

Once first condition is met, Somaliland government can host the entire Somali leaders in Somaliland territory as to train them for leadership skills.

The U.N and International community should allow Somaliland forces to train Somalia´s security forces inside Somaliland. Even Alshabaab/ Hizbul Islam forces should be encouraged to join the Somali army. Alshabaab/Hizbul Islam militias will defect by the hundreds. In fact, Haregeisa, Somaliland capital should be the launch pad for project to rebuild Somalia; port Berbera, a base for fight against piracy. That is, the International Crises group for Somalia has to station itself in Hargeisa. Bring everybody into one peaceful location like Hargeisa as to achieve rapid solutions while minimizing costs.

Because of the upcoming second Somaliland presidential election, Somali leaders in Hargeisa will for the first time in their life witness how leaders are defeated not in the killing fields but at the polling stations. This is a crucial opportunity for Somali leaders.

Stationing Somalia´s leaders and security forces in Somaliland will very much guarantee security for Puntland region which fears attacks from Alshabaab militias once they overrun Mogadishu. That is, Alshabaab´s hegemony over other Somali regions could be deterred. The truth is: Alshabaab and Puntland forces already fought in Mogadishu in 2007-2008. And when battles broke out, Puntland soldiers sprinted more distances than they fired bullets; and in Bakaraha market they conducted more shopliftings (or five-finger discounts) than military operations.

Also, dozens of NGOs that supposedly aid Somali people but currently remain in Nairobi hotels must move to Somaliland. That is, these NGOs will meet Somali leaders face to face where strategies will be discussed without flying back and forth to Nairobi and wasting millions of dollars that supposed to feed the need people of Somalia.

At the same time, Alshabaab and Hizbul Islam groups should be asked to disarm and bring their grievances to the negation table. If they refuse, while the Somali government runs the country from a secure den its troops could decimate causeless opposing groups. Once the Somali government forces surround Mogadishu and International navies blockade ports in Mogadishu, Kismanyo, and Marka while of course providing exits for the population—Alshabaab/Hizbul Islam will soon find patrolling ghost cities. At this point it should be easier to launch a second attempt to negotiate with these violent groups while offering them massive carpet bombings if they don´t cooperate. Options are clear: negotiate or perish.

Final Thoughts

Without a doubt, the recall of Somalia´s ex-army officers pokes old wounds. These officers are too old, and much of their faded military strategy is now obsolete. Most of them are elusive war criminals. Also, paradoxically many of them wish that Somalia never stands on its feet at least in their lifetime because they could never retrun home for fear of prosecution. And in overseas, stable Somalia will demand their extradition to face war crimes. What next? A viable political solution is the only option to stabilize Somalia. And Somaliland has the key.

Provide Somaliland economic aid to rebuild its crumpled roads and bridges, armed forces, and an alternative to charcoal, the source of a devastating deforestation. Refusing to recognize Somaliland is one thing; denying it financial support is something else—an economic holocaust. Does the International community have a reason not provide aid to Somaliland? Should the world wait until Alshabaab gains strength to attack Somaliland? The sooner the world starts helping Somaliland to rebuild its shattered economy, the sooner Somalia stands on its feet. Either recognize or offer Somaliland the incentives—economic and military aid—to mediate Somalia´s warring factions.

History repeats itself with odd twists of course. The Somalia with its blue flag that the world knows emerged from Hargiesa in June 26, 1960; yet the SNA pulverized the city to dust in 1988-1989. Today, the new Somalia could come from Hargiesa once again provided that we undertake the preceding homegrown solutions, but not force another gunshot marriage between Somaliland and Somalia.

Reconstructing Somalia´s tainted leadership and security forces without compromising Somaliland´s quest for recognition is the only way forward. That is, it won´t be Nairobi, Addis Ababa, Djibouti city, Riyadh, Cairo, Rome or Washington that could rescue Somalia; but, Hargeisa.

Dalmar Kaahin

dalmar_k@yahoo.com
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