ONE YEAR OF DEMOCRACY IN BHUTAN: Big promises, small achievements
I. P. Adhikari
April 28, 2009
Failing to resist with the democratic changes in the last two decades, Bhutan finally chose to end its century old absolute monarchy in favor of bi-party parliamentary democracy. For nearly two decades, Bhutan defended against democracy on ground that it will bring disaster to its isolated culture and tradition being the only country where Drukpa Kagyukpa form of Buddhism survives.
But Bhutan sympathizers say Bhutan took the path to end age-old isolation during third king´s rule. The cliché continued to rule the reign of fourth king, mustering up confusion whether Bhutan has in reality adopted policy to embrace changing politics of the world – to come out from its closet to see what world is doing and talking about.
After last year´s change, though monarch still has most political powers, can directly interfere into government´s activities and reject the decision of the parliament, letting people to use their franchise and criticize government are major achievements that Bhutan made.
One year of democratic practice in this Himalayan kingdom is not satisfactory and it has achieved far less than expected. Most frustrating is carelessness on national sovereignty: the question arises when it invited Indian lawyer to interpret nation´s constitution.
Economic development, backed by the principles of Gross National Happiness, much talked budding philosophy, is the vision propagated by the ruling party Druk Phunsum Tshokpa (DPT) against the economic growth. The party had presented a charismatic and attractive economic vision for the new democracy. Vibrant economy, accelerated economic growth, innovative technology to boost the growth and poverty alleviation through building economic opportunities in rural areas were some of the promises given to people.
One year in power, none of the promises have so far seen any light of the day. The delay of the government to chart out the priorities of the tenth plan and endorsing it was the major impediment in building national economy and take development projects to common mass. Not a single development project was approved during the whole year. Those already underway were also delayed or halted, for an example the construction of second international airport in Gelephu.
The government did little to save national economy being attacked by the global crisis. Beginning of democratic government saw the closure of four palm oil industries followed by many steel industries and timber factories. Public private partnership was the new formula presented, yet government lent cold hands to appeal from the private sector to save industries being collapsed. The proposal of the private sector to postpone debt-repay duration and additional working capital to let them continue industrial production rejected.
One of the major causes for government´s inability to provide additional working capital to industries was the lack of adequate liquidity in national banks. Had India not lent IRs 4 billion standby credit, Bhutan´s monetary market and trade with India would have further worsened.
Common consumers were hit from two sides – economic crisis and rising prices. Thinley government added fuel to the burning price rise by raising salary of the government employees without pre-assessment of the economic environment and the government failed to prove efficient in controlling the inflation caused by the salary hike that was already fueled up by economic meltdown. Inflation reached as high as 9 percent, highest ever recorded.
Self reliance is one aim of GNH. But this year, country´s dependence on grants increased. Despite whooping income from the sales of hydropower to India, government continued looking at donors for development projects. It was also because government did not achieve generating targeted internal revenue. The budgetary and development assistance generated from other bilateral and multilateral donors vividly reflects the path of Bhutan moving towards dependency economy.
Above all these, the country has been facing rising unemployment. Off-loading the corporate employees added woes to unemployment. Job fairs could delve only 350 seats.
People are not entitled to all rights and liberties. The country restricted monks and religious figures along with those in jail from voting. This has to be closely watched if things would get changed during local elections scheduled for this year. Rallies and demonstrations are still daunted and trade unions are lawfully discouraged inviting speculation whether Bhutan has bestowed its people the right to organization and collective bargaining.
The constitution guarantees freedom of assembly but government attempted occasionally to impede criticism and monitor political meetings. Individuals were unable to criticize government publicly. In once instance, state-owned Bhutan Broadcasting Service was fined for criticizing a minister.
During the coronation of fifth king, movement of people in southern districts was censored. Only after the second session of the parliament, Lhotsampa lawmakers raised the issue of census categorization and No Objection Certificate (NOC). The cabinet had formed a ministerial sub-committee to look into the matter shortly after the first session but nothing substantial has come out of it so far.
The only two parties enjoyed freedom to organize rallies, though they themselves agree not to choose that alternative in the first election, and political campaigns but they restricted contenders of the local elections from campaigning, reaching out to the people. The National Assembly approved the government proposal to restrict any form of campaign during the local elections, thus curtailing the political liberties that Bhutan began to see last year only.
The newly adopted constitution has promoted Buddhism as the state faith. Though Hindus are not directly attacked, Christianity is openly discouraged. Two Christian families were physically attacked and kicked out of their homes in April.
Situation of human rights did not improve. The failure of the constitution proclaimed in July and the laws to specify human rights defending or protecting agency led to continued violation of rights. None of the government agencies have been assigned for human rights protection and promotion. There are no human rights groups and UN or other international agencies monitoring the human rights situation. Neither the government has allowed anyone to establish human rights advocacy organizations nor certified international rights watchdogs to appoint a representative there. In fact, the international communities have been subscribing on version given by the government regarding human rights environment. Thinley-government has no plans for human rights education, neither through informal classes nor through formal education system.
The state machinery is yet to transform itself, or be trained, to accept the modern definition of human rights. The confession of police chief Col Kipchu Namgyal that police force cannot protect human rights is the glaring example to showcase the scenario of continued human rights violations in the hand of state machinery. The new police bill has no jaws to restrict the police authority from human rights violations. Initiative to form an anti terrorist squad under RBP is likely to make human rights situation more volatile.
Judiciary in Bhutan has not changed. The proposed three-tier judiciary is yet to take shape; the High Court still acts as the apex court though constitution has provision for Supreme Court and highest court of appeal rests on King. The government has not clarified the cause of delay in constitution of the Supreme Court. The constitution has many provisions where king has final say in the judicial system as well indicating that the judiciary system of the country is still not independent and has limited jurisdiction.
Despite changes, government has not reviewed the allegations clamped to many leaders since 1990 and 1997 who demanded changes. The professional lawyers still fear to advocate on behalf of those against whom government has lodged serious ´offense against state´. Many cases remain without review in absence of the lawyers willing to take the issue.
The government has no hand in foreign policy. The constitution gives authority to king in country´s foreign policy. In that sense, the foreign minister is merely a king´s representative. Theoretically, the elected government has no power to invite a foreign diplomat or politician to visit Bhutan.
Educational sector maintained some changes. Steps were taken to establish new educational institutions and open schools in southern districts, fist time since 1990. Few private colleges are opened though they are not adequate to accommodate the increasing number of students. Opportunities for higher studies are limited. More than 60 percent of the students who passed grade X and XII have to look India or other foreign countries for their higher studies due to absence of seats in colleges – neither public nor private – inside the country.
Ministers have repeatedly stated that government will open schools in every village whereby students need not have to walk more than half an hour. Yet no plans have been drawn for it. The shortage of teachers could be the primary reasons. Teacher shortage is the major challenge that Bhutan is facing today. To meet the increasing need of teachers, the government sought support from a Christian group to send some 500 teachers for English, Mathematics and Science.
Forgery and corruption cases have surfaced in large number compared to previous years. One of the primary agenda that DPT picked during the election campaign period was the good governance. Prime Minster Jigmi Thinely in several occasions vended his words against corruption and vowed for good governance.
In spite of that, the DPT failed to bring any changes in governance. The public services are not decentralized. Especially in rural areas, people need to walk days to arrive district headquarters to receive government services. Service delivery from these offices are problematic, time consuming and burdensome as well. According to ACC, about 0.06 percent of the total GDP is consumed for administrative expenses.
A Corruption Perception Survey published by the ACC in September ranked the education ministry as the poorest service deliverer, followed by the health and agriculture ministries. About 55 percent of the respondents agreed that ´nepotism and favoritism´ are the most prevalent form of corruption, followed by ´misuse of public funds´ and ´bribery´. The survey listed wants, needs, discriminatory and non-uniform application of laws and rules, lack of information and transparency on rules and procedures as the major causes of corruption. Respondents also felt that corruption has increased over the last five years. 43 percent feel corruption has increased, 33 percent perceived status quo.
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But Bhutan sympathizers say Bhutan took the path to end age-old isolation during third king´s rule. The cliché continued to rule the reign of fourth king, mustering up confusion whether Bhutan has in reality adopted policy to embrace changing politics of the world – to come out from its closet to see what world is doing and talking about.
After last year´s change, though monarch still has most political powers, can directly interfere into government´s activities and reject the decision of the parliament, letting people to use their franchise and criticize government are major achievements that Bhutan made.
One year of democratic practice in this Himalayan kingdom is not satisfactory and it has achieved far less than expected. Most frustrating is carelessness on national sovereignty: the question arises when it invited Indian lawyer to interpret nation´s constitution.
Economic development, backed by the principles of Gross National Happiness, much talked budding philosophy, is the vision propagated by the ruling party Druk Phunsum Tshokpa (DPT) against the economic growth. The party had presented a charismatic and attractive economic vision for the new democracy. Vibrant economy, accelerated economic growth, innovative technology to boost the growth and poverty alleviation through building economic opportunities in rural areas were some of the promises given to people.
One year in power, none of the promises have so far seen any light of the day. The delay of the government to chart out the priorities of the tenth plan and endorsing it was the major impediment in building national economy and take development projects to common mass. Not a single development project was approved during the whole year. Those already underway were also delayed or halted, for an example the construction of second international airport in Gelephu.
The government did little to save national economy being attacked by the global crisis. Beginning of democratic government saw the closure of four palm oil industries followed by many steel industries and timber factories. Public private partnership was the new formula presented, yet government lent cold hands to appeal from the private sector to save industries being collapsed. The proposal of the private sector to postpone debt-repay duration and additional working capital to let them continue industrial production rejected.
One of the major causes for government´s inability to provide additional working capital to industries was the lack of adequate liquidity in national banks. Had India not lent IRs 4 billion standby credit, Bhutan´s monetary market and trade with India would have further worsened.
Common consumers were hit from two sides – economic crisis and rising prices. Thinley government added fuel to the burning price rise by raising salary of the government employees without pre-assessment of the economic environment and the government failed to prove efficient in controlling the inflation caused by the salary hike that was already fueled up by economic meltdown. Inflation reached as high as 9 percent, highest ever recorded.
Self reliance is one aim of GNH. But this year, country´s dependence on grants increased. Despite whooping income from the sales of hydropower to India, government continued looking at donors for development projects. It was also because government did not achieve generating targeted internal revenue. The budgetary and development assistance generated from other bilateral and multilateral donors vividly reflects the path of Bhutan moving towards dependency economy.
Above all these, the country has been facing rising unemployment. Off-loading the corporate employees added woes to unemployment. Job fairs could delve only 350 seats.
People are not entitled to all rights and liberties. The country restricted monks and religious figures along with those in jail from voting. This has to be closely watched if things would get changed during local elections scheduled for this year. Rallies and demonstrations are still daunted and trade unions are lawfully discouraged inviting speculation whether Bhutan has bestowed its people the right to organization and collective bargaining.
The constitution guarantees freedom of assembly but government attempted occasionally to impede criticism and monitor political meetings. Individuals were unable to criticize government publicly. In once instance, state-owned Bhutan Broadcasting Service was fined for criticizing a minister.
During the coronation of fifth king, movement of people in southern districts was censored. Only after the second session of the parliament, Lhotsampa lawmakers raised the issue of census categorization and No Objection Certificate (NOC). The cabinet had formed a ministerial sub-committee to look into the matter shortly after the first session but nothing substantial has come out of it so far.
The only two parties enjoyed freedom to organize rallies, though they themselves agree not to choose that alternative in the first election, and political campaigns but they restricted contenders of the local elections from campaigning, reaching out to the people. The National Assembly approved the government proposal to restrict any form of campaign during the local elections, thus curtailing the political liberties that Bhutan began to see last year only.
The newly adopted constitution has promoted Buddhism as the state faith. Though Hindus are not directly attacked, Christianity is openly discouraged. Two Christian families were physically attacked and kicked out of their homes in April.
Situation of human rights did not improve. The failure of the constitution proclaimed in July and the laws to specify human rights defending or protecting agency led to continued violation of rights. None of the government agencies have been assigned for human rights protection and promotion. There are no human rights groups and UN or other international agencies monitoring the human rights situation. Neither the government has allowed anyone to establish human rights advocacy organizations nor certified international rights watchdogs to appoint a representative there. In fact, the international communities have been subscribing on version given by the government regarding human rights environment. Thinley-government has no plans for human rights education, neither through informal classes nor through formal education system.
The state machinery is yet to transform itself, or be trained, to accept the modern definition of human rights. The confession of police chief Col Kipchu Namgyal that police force cannot protect human rights is the glaring example to showcase the scenario of continued human rights violations in the hand of state machinery. The new police bill has no jaws to restrict the police authority from human rights violations. Initiative to form an anti terrorist squad under RBP is likely to make human rights situation more volatile.
Judiciary in Bhutan has not changed. The proposed three-tier judiciary is yet to take shape; the High Court still acts as the apex court though constitution has provision for Supreme Court and highest court of appeal rests on King. The government has not clarified the cause of delay in constitution of the Supreme Court. The constitution has many provisions where king has final say in the judicial system as well indicating that the judiciary system of the country is still not independent and has limited jurisdiction.
Despite changes, government has not reviewed the allegations clamped to many leaders since 1990 and 1997 who demanded changes. The professional lawyers still fear to advocate on behalf of those against whom government has lodged serious ´offense against state´. Many cases remain without review in absence of the lawyers willing to take the issue.
The government has no hand in foreign policy. The constitution gives authority to king in country´s foreign policy. In that sense, the foreign minister is merely a king´s representative. Theoretically, the elected government has no power to invite a foreign diplomat or politician to visit Bhutan.
Educational sector maintained some changes. Steps were taken to establish new educational institutions and open schools in southern districts, fist time since 1990. Few private colleges are opened though they are not adequate to accommodate the increasing number of students. Opportunities for higher studies are limited. More than 60 percent of the students who passed grade X and XII have to look India or other foreign countries for their higher studies due to absence of seats in colleges – neither public nor private – inside the country.
Ministers have repeatedly stated that government will open schools in every village whereby students need not have to walk more than half an hour. Yet no plans have been drawn for it. The shortage of teachers could be the primary reasons. Teacher shortage is the major challenge that Bhutan is facing today. To meet the increasing need of teachers, the government sought support from a Christian group to send some 500 teachers for English, Mathematics and Science.
Forgery and corruption cases have surfaced in large number compared to previous years. One of the primary agenda that DPT picked during the election campaign period was the good governance. Prime Minster Jigmi Thinely in several occasions vended his words against corruption and vowed for good governance.
In spite of that, the DPT failed to bring any changes in governance. The public services are not decentralized. Especially in rural areas, people need to walk days to arrive district headquarters to receive government services. Service delivery from these offices are problematic, time consuming and burdensome as well. According to ACC, about 0.06 percent of the total GDP is consumed for administrative expenses.
A Corruption Perception Survey published by the ACC in September ranked the education ministry as the poorest service deliverer, followed by the health and agriculture ministries. About 55 percent of the respondents agreed that ´nepotism and favoritism´ are the most prevalent form of corruption, followed by ´misuse of public funds´ and ´bribery´. The survey listed wants, needs, discriminatory and non-uniform application of laws and rules, lack of information and transparency on rules and procedures as the major causes of corruption. Respondents also felt that corruption has increased over the last five years. 43 percent feel corruption has increased, 33 percent perceived status quo.
www.apfanews.com
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