Conflict in the Caucasus and Ukraine's Russia Friendly Side
Michael Averko
August 11, 2008
With the recent flare up over South Ossetia in mind, a few other global conflicts relate and contrast to Russia's stance on disputed territories and its military operation against Georgia.
Turkey is the only country recognizing the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" (TRNC) as an independent state. In the rest of the international community, there is a consensus acknowledging the TRNC authorities as a party to the Cypriot conflict. Over the years, the internationally recognized Republic of Cyprus has negotiated with the TRNC officials. Turkish forces have been stationed in northern Cyprus for several decades.
Before declaring independence from Serbia, the repackaged Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was treated like the TRNC representatives. This despite the protestation by Serbia. As a representative of Kosovo's Albanians, former KLA leader Agim Ceku paid a foreign policy visit to Russia in 2006. In contradiction to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244, the Kosovo Albanian leadership declared independence. The majority of nations do not recognize that declaration. A foreign military force has been present in Kosovo since the end of the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia in 1999.
Unlike some other countries, Russia does not recognize the independence of ALL of the disputed territories. This might change. On Saturday, Russian prime minister Vladimir Putin said that the severity of Georgia's August 7 attack on South Ossetia made it impossible for the latter to consider being part of the former. This opinion was also expressed on yesterday's CNN show Late Edition, by Alexander Darchiev, deputy chief of Russia's Washington embassy. Putin and Darchiev are essentially using the argument given by those advocating Kosovo's separation from Serbia.
The skirmish in South Ossetia involves Russian peacekeepers in that area, who witnessed the attack by Georgia's armed forces. Russian peacekeepers are among the the fatalities. The majority of South Ossetians have Russian passports. South Ossetia borders the neighboring Russian republic of North Ossetia. The Ossetians are a distinct ethnic group from the Georgians. Along with Georgia, prior to the Soviet Union's creation, South Ossetia was part of the same nation as Russia since 1801. Beforehand, South Ossetia and Abkhazia (another region currently at odds and fighting with Georgia) had a period as part of Georgia. Within this time span and briefly thereafter, Abkhazia also had an extended length of being separate from Georgia. Around the mid-1800s, Abkhazia became fully abosrbed into the Russian Empire.
The Georgian claim to South Ossetia and Abkhazia is based on the notion that these two regions were part of the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic, in addition to having an affiliation with Georgia prior to 1801. This is similar to the Serb stance on Kosovo. That province has been part of Serbia since 1912, with a previous association from centuries ago.
Russia sought support for a United Nations call to cease hostilities between the Georgian and South Ossetian forces. America and Britain were among the countries rejecting that effort. Following the success of Russia's counterattack against Georgia, it is now the Georgian government and its allies actively seeking United Nations action.
The Washington Times article "Crimea's Port Dispute" (July 31) includes this historically inaccurate depiction: "Russia's Catherine the Great annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 1783. In the mid-19th century, Crimea served as the battlefield for Britain, France and other allies to fight Russia. Soviet leader Nikita S. Khrushchev gave Crimea back to Ukraine in 1954."
As part of answering the above excerpt, the rest of this essay repeats a few thoughts from my last American Chronicle column, "A Closer Look at Improving Russia's Image" (July 21), along with comments I addressed elsewhere and some additional points concerning Russian-Ukrainian relations.
Russia and Ukraine are descended from the Kievan Rus kingdom that lasted from the late 9th to about mid-13th century, before being overtaken by the Mongols. Crimean territory was part of Kievan Rus. As Mongol power declined, Crimea became a Tatar khanate of the Ottoman Empire in 1475. Under Catherine the Great, Russia "annexed" (others would say "liberated") Crimea from Tatar rule in 1783.
In 1954, Khrushchev ceded Crimea from Russia to Ukraine to honor the 300th anniversary of the Pereyaslavl Treaty, which formally unified Russia and Ukraine.
This past weekend, the Ukrainian foreign ministry said that Russia's Crimean fleet might be blocked from returning if it is used against Georgia. Such a position has the potential to heighten discord within Ukraine.
The concept of a Ukrainian national identity developed over time. Ukrainian perceptions include Russia friendly and not so Russia friendly views, as well as those somewhere in between. Russian-Ukrainian closeness continues to be evident with several factors. Russian language use in Ukraine remains quite noticeable. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church affiliated with the Moscow Patriarchate continues to be the largest Christian grouping in Ukraine. On a BBC telecast, I recall Taras Kuzio (not known for reflecting pro-Russian sentiment in Ukraine) noting how some countries exist with differing linguistic, cultural and historical sympathies (Canada being one such example). Polls consistently show the majority of Ukrainian citizens oppose their country joining NATO. One reason is discomfort at the idea of being in a powerful military alliance that does not include Russia.
Russia's ancestral link to Kievan Rus is especially understood by Ukraine's more Russia friendly side. Prince Oleg moved from Novgorod to Kiev in the late 9th century. The Rurik dynastic line which ruled Kievan Rus governed the Moscow based Russian state up until and shortly after the reign of Ivan the Terrible.
The post-Kievan Rus period has some noteworthy overlapping as well. The 19th century writer Nikolai Gogol, is considered a prominent Russian and Ukrainian literary figure. In the present, numerous individuals have ties to Ukraine and Russia. They include Ukrainian born St. Petersburg governor Valentina Matviyenko and economist and politician Grigory Yavlinsky.
Turkey is the only country recognizing the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" (TRNC) as an independent state. In the rest of the international community, there is a consensus acknowledging the TRNC authorities as a party to the Cypriot conflict. Over the years, the internationally recognized Republic of Cyprus has negotiated with the TRNC officials. Turkish forces have been stationed in northern Cyprus for several decades.
Before declaring independence from Serbia, the repackaged Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was treated like the TRNC representatives. This despite the protestation by Serbia. As a representative of Kosovo's Albanians, former KLA leader Agim Ceku paid a foreign policy visit to Russia in 2006. In contradiction to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244, the Kosovo Albanian leadership declared independence. The majority of nations do not recognize that declaration. A foreign military force has been present in Kosovo since the end of the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia in 1999.
Unlike some other countries, Russia does not recognize the independence of ALL of the disputed territories. This might change. On Saturday, Russian prime minister Vladimir Putin said that the severity of Georgia's August 7 attack on South Ossetia made it impossible for the latter to consider being part of the former. This opinion was also expressed on yesterday's CNN show Late Edition, by Alexander Darchiev, deputy chief of Russia's Washington embassy. Putin and Darchiev are essentially using the argument given by those advocating Kosovo's separation from Serbia.
The skirmish in South Ossetia involves Russian peacekeepers in that area, who witnessed the attack by Georgia's armed forces. Russian peacekeepers are among the the fatalities. The majority of South Ossetians have Russian passports. South Ossetia borders the neighboring Russian republic of North Ossetia. The Ossetians are a distinct ethnic group from the Georgians. Along with Georgia, prior to the Soviet Union's creation, South Ossetia was part of the same nation as Russia since 1801. Beforehand, South Ossetia and Abkhazia (another region currently at odds and fighting with Georgia) had a period as part of Georgia. Within this time span and briefly thereafter, Abkhazia also had an extended length of being separate from Georgia. Around the mid-1800s, Abkhazia became fully abosrbed into the Russian Empire.
The Georgian claim to South Ossetia and Abkhazia is based on the notion that these two regions were part of the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic, in addition to having an affiliation with Georgia prior to 1801. This is similar to the Serb stance on Kosovo. That province has been part of Serbia since 1912, with a previous association from centuries ago.
Russia sought support for a United Nations call to cease hostilities between the Georgian and South Ossetian forces. America and Britain were among the countries rejecting that effort. Following the success of Russia's counterattack against Georgia, it is now the Georgian government and its allies actively seeking United Nations action.
The Washington Times article "Crimea's Port Dispute" (July 31) includes this historically inaccurate depiction: "Russia's Catherine the Great annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 1783. In the mid-19th century, Crimea served as the battlefield for Britain, France and other allies to fight Russia. Soviet leader Nikita S. Khrushchev gave Crimea back to Ukraine in 1954."
As part of answering the above excerpt, the rest of this essay repeats a few thoughts from my last American Chronicle column, "A Closer Look at Improving Russia's Image" (July 21), along with comments I addressed elsewhere and some additional points concerning Russian-Ukrainian relations.
Russia and Ukraine are descended from the Kievan Rus kingdom that lasted from the late 9th to about mid-13th century, before being overtaken by the Mongols. Crimean territory was part of Kievan Rus. As Mongol power declined, Crimea became a Tatar khanate of the Ottoman Empire in 1475. Under Catherine the Great, Russia "annexed" (others would say "liberated") Crimea from Tatar rule in 1783.
In 1954, Khrushchev ceded Crimea from Russia to Ukraine to honor the 300th anniversary of the Pereyaslavl Treaty, which formally unified Russia and Ukraine.
This past weekend, the Ukrainian foreign ministry said that Russia's Crimean fleet might be blocked from returning if it is used against Georgia. Such a position has the potential to heighten discord within Ukraine.
The concept of a Ukrainian national identity developed over time. Ukrainian perceptions include Russia friendly and not so Russia friendly views, as well as those somewhere in between. Russian-Ukrainian closeness continues to be evident with several factors. Russian language use in Ukraine remains quite noticeable. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church affiliated with the Moscow Patriarchate continues to be the largest Christian grouping in Ukraine. On a BBC telecast, I recall Taras Kuzio (not known for reflecting pro-Russian sentiment in Ukraine) noting how some countries exist with differing linguistic, cultural and historical sympathies (Canada being one such example). Polls consistently show the majority of Ukrainian citizens oppose their country joining NATO. One reason is discomfort at the idea of being in a powerful military alliance that does not include Russia.
Russia's ancestral link to Kievan Rus is especially understood by Ukraine's more Russia friendly side. Prince Oleg moved from Novgorod to Kiev in the late 9th century. The Rurik dynastic line which ruled Kievan Rus governed the Moscow based Russian state up until and shortly after the reign of Ivan the Terrible.
The post-Kievan Rus period has some noteworthy overlapping as well. The 19th century writer Nikolai Gogol, is considered a prominent Russian and Ukrainian literary figure. In the present, numerous individuals have ties to Ukraine and Russia. They include Ukrainian born St. Petersburg governor Valentina Matviyenko and economist and politician Grigory Yavlinsky.