Nepalīs CPN-M ready to head next government
Surya B. Prasai
May 24, 2008
After a series of discussions between the former seven party members and political leaders from the new 18 comprising 25 political parties in the 601 seater Nepal Constituent Assembly, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, in keeping up with his staunch democratic beliefs and earlier promise to smoothly transfer power to the next government, has invited Prachanda to head the next government after May 28. Koirala is still expected to make his debut speech on that day, where he is expected to speak on one or two national agenda issues, historicity of the recent CA Poll, oncoming national challenges for drafting a new constitution of Nepal, the pursuit of national reconciliation, and the end fulfillment of BPīs dreams.
Meanwhile, it is learnt that King Gyanendra and Queen Komal are taking rest for a few days at the picturesque royal retreat of Nagarjuna Palace. The King usually spends a certain amount of time at Nagarjuna Palace each year which oversees the beautiful Kathmandu valley stretching out to the Terai on one side and the Himalayas to the North. Speaking to the press in Kathmandu C.P. Gajurel, a senior member and head of CPN-Mīs Foreign Relations Bureau stated that Prachanda (aka future Prime Minister Pushpa Kumar Dahal, or will it just be īP" in future to connote both Pushpa and Prachanda?) will fill in the position vacated, which means in effect he will be the next Nepali Prime Minister. Nepal will still retain a Head of State though. Gajurel noted, "There will be no change in the present provision on head of state and the head of the government until a new constitution is promulgated. In other words, there would be no ceremonial or any other type of president in Nepal until the new constitution is promulgated. Prachanda or somebody from our party will only take over the post that Girija Prasad Koirala is in charge of." This statement, therefore, dispels all media rumors. both domestic and foreign, which have been pirated hearsay news on what will happen after the CA meets on May 28, since the Maoists will be in control and dominate the proceedings.
On the other hand, it is likely that provision of a president with executive powers will be introduced only after the new constitution is promulgated, although it has wide implications for retailoring the Nepali judiciary, the structure of the disciplined forces and the constitutional appointment of ambassadors and various constitutional heads which earlier used to be done by a Head of State until the Interim Constitution decided temporarily to fill in with Head of Government appointees, mostly from the Seven Party political mainstream. Before a new constitution is even made, the 601 ad hoc CA members will also have to thoroughly revise the rights and wrongs of all previous constitutions including power sharing between the three wings of the state. The 1990 Constitution was tailored on the British Parliamentary system, but it also heavily borrowed on American, Indian and Sri Lankan best practices. In fact, it may sound ironic that the Speakerīs Chair on which Subhas Nembwang, the House Speaker, often sits and pronounces the near existence of a Nepali republic is from the worldīs democratic pride, Britain, which gifted it to the Nepali Parliament some time back when Nepal had true multiparty democracy. Also, some of Nepalīs constitutional experts, including Prime Minister Koirala, have shown their affection for the 1990 Constitution. Its critics, however, assume it has very vague interpretation on true separation of powers, viz. the true boundary lines between Constitutional vs. Active leadership in heading government.
Given Koiralaīs interest in shaping the future constitution, the Maoists have promised to make him an honorary senior government adviser according to Maoist sources. Moreover, the Maoist led government might also see NC and UML representation in some form in the near future.
Another important CPN-M revelation from CP Gajurel, is that Nepalīs foreign policy will be retailored to the old Panca Sila beliefs, which emphasize Nepal maintaining equal distance between India and China in its future foreign policy conduct. Gajurel had noted recently in a Kathmandu foreign policy seminar that recent foreign policy flaws were caused by too much dependence of either side, which must not happen in future. Dr Babu Ram Bhattarai has also hinted at developing Nepal as a transitional economy in the strides of India and China which are both globalized economies. The other factor to be considered is with building geo-strategic and economic ties to Nepal from among influential global political powers, which includes traditional friends such as the US, UK, EU, newly industrialized Asian economies such as Japan and South Korea, besides its two neighbors, India and China, Nepal is currently going through a revisionist period in its history, where it seeks to accommodate the 240 year old Shah dynasty which is still seen as the center of national cohesion by most rural Nepalis and Kathmandu based urban professionals, with the future challenges of the evolving Nepali state. However Nepalīs young globalized youth are a bit detached from Monarchy since they were born after the 1990s when Nepal moved towards a multiparty system. It would therefore be too early to foretell at this moment, how far the republican quest will go in true reality, since Nepali political parties are inherently selfish in their inner motives and tend to make quick mood swings and reverse declarations based on any assured promises of their political ascendancy. However, it is rumored that there is some discussion going on of a French Presidential style of government to be adopted in future among some of those involved in setting past constitutional edicts.
Prachanda has repeated again that his party is not in favor of amending the interim constitution to allow any party to form a simple majority government, since it would create a bad precedent. He hinted that it could even lead to quick succession of governments, one coalition toppling another, and unhealthy political horse trading which could make the CAīs meaning worthless. Supporting Prachandaīs statement, Gajurel noted yesterday, that the path to establish a true democracy lies in inherent social and political values that suit a country best, the Maoists were not in favor of new amendments simply because it hurts the constitution making process and the interim constitution itself is full of loopholes and will soon be over.
In hosting a tea party for new NC members elected to the CA , Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, asked them to work towards the politics of consensus and national reconciliation. He noted that NCīs support will still be crucial to the Maoists in the future government, since it is a known fact that NC shares a strong rivalry with CPN-UML, which was till recently the most well known leftist party in Nepal. Former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba however, remains strongly opposed to the NC joining the Maoist government unless the NCīs seven point agreement is fulfilled, the major one being dismantling of the YCL. Coordinator of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) Upendra Yadhav has also stated that the new government should be formed only after reaching a broad political consensus, including accepting the voice of the 18 other parties in the CA.
Although this being another relaxing Kathmandu weekend with early monsoon drench and long petrol ques at various gas stations around Kathmandu (something inconceivable three years back but now a pain in the back!), media analysts note, nonetheless, there is heightened diplomatic activity and exchange of various countries foreign policy positions over private cocktail parties and tandoori roast dinners around favorite five star coffee shops in Kathmandu valley and its surroundings. US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Dr. Evan A. Feigenbaum also arrive in the capital today to discuss various aspects of the countryīs political scenario with the major four parties represented in the Constituent Assembly. According to the U.S. Embassy in Kathmandu, Feigenbaum is scheduled to confer with leaders of the four major political parties on the formation of the next government, need to end political violence and efforts for the formulation of a new democratic constitution. Everyone it seems is now watching closely when CPN-M will edge closer toward kicking the soccer ball into the net, thus scoring the political tie breaker.
Meanwhile, it is learnt that King Gyanendra and Queen Komal are taking rest for a few days at the picturesque royal retreat of Nagarjuna Palace. The King usually spends a certain amount of time at Nagarjuna Palace each year which oversees the beautiful Kathmandu valley stretching out to the Terai on one side and the Himalayas to the North. Speaking to the press in Kathmandu C.P. Gajurel, a senior member and head of CPN-Mīs Foreign Relations Bureau stated that Prachanda (aka future Prime Minister Pushpa Kumar Dahal, or will it just be īP" in future to connote both Pushpa and Prachanda?) will fill in the position vacated, which means in effect he will be the next Nepali Prime Minister. Nepal will still retain a Head of State though. Gajurel noted, "There will be no change in the present provision on head of state and the head of the government until a new constitution is promulgated. In other words, there would be no ceremonial or any other type of president in Nepal until the new constitution is promulgated. Prachanda or somebody from our party will only take over the post that Girija Prasad Koirala is in charge of." This statement, therefore, dispels all media rumors. both domestic and foreign, which have been pirated hearsay news on what will happen after the CA meets on May 28, since the Maoists will be in control and dominate the proceedings.
On the other hand, it is likely that provision of a president with executive powers will be introduced only after the new constitution is promulgated, although it has wide implications for retailoring the Nepali judiciary, the structure of the disciplined forces and the constitutional appointment of ambassadors and various constitutional heads which earlier used to be done by a Head of State until the Interim Constitution decided temporarily to fill in with Head of Government appointees, mostly from the Seven Party political mainstream. Before a new constitution is even made, the 601 ad hoc CA members will also have to thoroughly revise the rights and wrongs of all previous constitutions including power sharing between the three wings of the state. The 1990 Constitution was tailored on the British Parliamentary system, but it also heavily borrowed on American, Indian and Sri Lankan best practices. In fact, it may sound ironic that the Speakerīs Chair on which Subhas Nembwang, the House Speaker, often sits and pronounces the near existence of a Nepali republic is from the worldīs democratic pride, Britain, which gifted it to the Nepali Parliament some time back when Nepal had true multiparty democracy. Also, some of Nepalīs constitutional experts, including Prime Minister Koirala, have shown their affection for the 1990 Constitution. Its critics, however, assume it has very vague interpretation on true separation of powers, viz. the true boundary lines between Constitutional vs. Active leadership in heading government.
Given Koiralaīs interest in shaping the future constitution, the Maoists have promised to make him an honorary senior government adviser according to Maoist sources. Moreover, the Maoist led government might also see NC and UML representation in some form in the near future.
Another important CPN-M revelation from CP Gajurel, is that Nepalīs foreign policy will be retailored to the old Panca Sila beliefs, which emphasize Nepal maintaining equal distance between India and China in its future foreign policy conduct. Gajurel had noted recently in a Kathmandu foreign policy seminar that recent foreign policy flaws were caused by too much dependence of either side, which must not happen in future. Dr Babu Ram Bhattarai has also hinted at developing Nepal as a transitional economy in the strides of India and China which are both globalized economies. The other factor to be considered is with building geo-strategic and economic ties to Nepal from among influential global political powers, which includes traditional friends such as the US, UK, EU, newly industrialized Asian economies such as Japan and South Korea, besides its two neighbors, India and China, Nepal is currently going through a revisionist period in its history, where it seeks to accommodate the 240 year old Shah dynasty which is still seen as the center of national cohesion by most rural Nepalis and Kathmandu based urban professionals, with the future challenges of the evolving Nepali state. However Nepalīs young globalized youth are a bit detached from Monarchy since they were born after the 1990s when Nepal moved towards a multiparty system. It would therefore be too early to foretell at this moment, how far the republican quest will go in true reality, since Nepali political parties are inherently selfish in their inner motives and tend to make quick mood swings and reverse declarations based on any assured promises of their political ascendancy. However, it is rumored that there is some discussion going on of a French Presidential style of government to be adopted in future among some of those involved in setting past constitutional edicts.
Prachanda has repeated again that his party is not in favor of amending the interim constitution to allow any party to form a simple majority government, since it would create a bad precedent. He hinted that it could even lead to quick succession of governments, one coalition toppling another, and unhealthy political horse trading which could make the CAīs meaning worthless. Supporting Prachandaīs statement, Gajurel noted yesterday, that the path to establish a true democracy lies in inherent social and political values that suit a country best, the Maoists were not in favor of new amendments simply because it hurts the constitution making process and the interim constitution itself is full of loopholes and will soon be over.
In hosting a tea party for new NC members elected to the CA , Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, asked them to work towards the politics of consensus and national reconciliation. He noted that NCīs support will still be crucial to the Maoists in the future government, since it is a known fact that NC shares a strong rivalry with CPN-UML, which was till recently the most well known leftist party in Nepal. Former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba however, remains strongly opposed to the NC joining the Maoist government unless the NCīs seven point agreement is fulfilled, the major one being dismantling of the YCL. Coordinator of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) Upendra Yadhav has also stated that the new government should be formed only after reaching a broad political consensus, including accepting the voice of the 18 other parties in the CA.
Although this being another relaxing Kathmandu weekend with early monsoon drench and long petrol ques at various gas stations around Kathmandu (something inconceivable three years back but now a pain in the back!), media analysts note, nonetheless, there is heightened diplomatic activity and exchange of various countries foreign policy positions over private cocktail parties and tandoori roast dinners around favorite five star coffee shops in Kathmandu valley and its surroundings. US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Dr. Evan A. Feigenbaum also arrive in the capital today to discuss various aspects of the countryīs political scenario with the major four parties represented in the Constituent Assembly. According to the U.S. Embassy in Kathmandu, Feigenbaum is scheduled to confer with leaders of the four major political parties on the formation of the next government, need to end political violence and efforts for the formulation of a new democratic constitution. Everyone it seems is now watching closely when CPN-M will edge closer toward kicking the soccer ball into the net, thus scoring the political tie breaker.