Baluchistan´s Long Route for Self-determination and Independence

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
In an earlier article about Baluchistan, the great land of Ancient Gedrosia, we focused on the troubles and marginalization of the Baluchi immigrants in Karachi. As Baluchistan has been divided among Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan, it is only normal that Baluchis leave their deliberately underdeveloped homeland (viewed by all three aforementioned states´ administrations as a periphery) and relocate to big capitals, like Tehran and Karachi, seeking better opportunities.

To the undeserved abandonment, disregard, and oppression, leading Balushi personalities have reacted, promoting world-level advocacy, and engaging in political combat. As the greatest part of the Baluchi population live in Pakistan, a lot is at stake there; in the recent elections, the Baluchi nationalist political parties decided to express their rejection of traditional political schemes, calling for a boycott that under the current circumstances of oppression was difficult to observe. Yet, the brave Baluchi people, although knowing to what reprisals this act would expose them, observed it in their quasi-totality.

Sanaullah Baloch, Member of the Senate of Pakistan

Among the Baluchi foremost statesmen, who contributed to the success of the Baluchi boycott of the Pakistani elections, is Mr. Sanaullah Baloch, Member of the Senate of Pakistan, Central Secretary Information of Balochistan National Party, and board member of the Balochistan Institute for Future Development.

Member of Standing Committee on Local Government and Problems of Less Developed areas, Mr. Sanaullah Baloch (http://www.sanabaloch.page.tl) serves as a member of Senate Function Committee on Government Assurances. Elected in March 2003 as Senator from Balochistan, Mr. Sanaullah Baloch had been elected in April 1997 as a Member of the National Assembly of Pakistan from the largest constituency of the country, as a nominee of Balochistan National Party. He then was the youngest Member of Parliament. Even earlier, Mr. Baloch had been extensively involved in mass political movements by first joining the Baloch Students Organization in 1988, and then served as a member central executive committee of BSO. In 1995, he was elected as Secretary General of Baloch Student Organization.

During his tenure as deputy, Mr. Sanaullah Baloch contributed a number of groundbreaking articles on ethnic politics, democracy, and nationalism. In 1999, following a military coup of general Musharaf, he contributed a number of articles on constitution, federalism, ethnic politics, and democracy. His first book, "Oppressed Balochistan", was published in 2001. Engaged activist, Mr. Baloch played a key role in mobilizing rallies and manifestations for the rights of farmers of Balochistan. In January 2002, the farmers rally was stormed and attacked by police and forces resulted in killing of three innocent farmers and several seriously injured; Mr. Baloch survived with minor injuries. Honored as a fellow by the Stanford Institute for International Studies in August 2005 on Democracy, Development and Rule of law program, Mr. Sanaullah Baloch demanded fair distribution of resources in Pakistan, and introduced a constitutional amendment bill to abolish the constitution´s concurrent list so that a greater degree of autonomy be granted to the provinces.

We will re-publish here integrally an insightful article written by Mr. Sanaullah Baloch, which sheds much information on what happened in Baluchistan during the recent elections, and reveals the disastrous situation befallen on Baluchistan because of the country´s division, socio-economic marginalization, and oppression. The article was first published in the famous Pakistani portal: http://dawn.com/2008/02/26/ed.htm#4

The post-election scene in Balochistan

By Sanaullah Baloch

The call for a poll boycott by the nationalist political parties in Balochistan received a remarkable response.

Although, the government polled hundreds of thousand of votes in volatile districts to convey an impression of popular participation in the electoral exercise, the results in urban and peaceful constituencies were a clear indication that the turn-out was simply four to six per cent in the province.

Take the case of the Kech-cum-Gwadar constituency (NA-272). Here the turn out was 2.8 per cent, with the winning candidate securing 6272 votes. Zubeda Jalal who lost the election for this seat secured 2,900 votes. But in NA-265, which comprises of volatile districts such as Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Sibi, where observers were denied access for reasons of security, an impossible 40 per cent turn out was recorded.

The Baloch political parties do not regret their decision of boycotting the polls. Their commitment to their political cause is unshakeable. Over the years, the lack of trust among Baloch and Pushtoons for an unproductive parliamentary system has been repeatedly reinforced, with the provincial assembly´s resolutions, recommendations and demands being either ignored or discarded by the military-led government.

As always, Balochistan will remain voiceless and powerless in the policy and decision making process. The establishment´s bias against the Baloch is visible in the election results. The PML-Q´s comeback in Balochistan clearly indicates that Islamabad is determined to perpetuate the status quo in the province so that it can continue its policy of controlling and grabbing the natural resources of the region through the use of force.

The establishment also hopes to use the PML-Q government in Balochistan as a counterweight to the PPP government at the centre. If a PPP-led government is set up in Islamabad and it wants to run the country´s affairs smoothly then it must move swiftly to form its own government in Quetta.

Pakistan´s multiple troubles cannot be handled without having peace and genuine representation of all provinces in the affairs of the state. Prolonged central-provincial conflicts are inevitable if the PPP-led coalition government at the centre fails to correct unpopular policies of the establishment vis-à-vis smaller provinces. The Balochistan-Islamabad confrontation will continue and remain a permanent feature of the civilian set-up.

Balochistan has had and will continue to have a serious impact on foreign investment and energy resource development. Political unrest in the province has direct repercussions on the energy situation; gas production has fallen by four per cent in the last four years. The prospects of the Iran-Pakistan-India and other proposed gas pipelines remain questionable till a complete and peaceful resolution of the Balochistan conflict is achieved.

Islamabad´s prolonged policy of suppression and installing a puppet government in Quetta has proved to be counter-productive. The establishment-backed upcoming PML-Q provincial government will be ineffective and is expected to worsen the already volatile situation. The last PML-Q government proved to be the worst provincial regime in Balochistan´s political history. It supported the full-blown military operation and ignored the humanitarian crisis of hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people of Dera-Bugti and Kohlu districts.

The government also remained silent on human rights issues such as the killings, disappearances and arbitrary arrests of common people. The PML-MMA government took no action against Afghan refugees, and illegal immigrants living in Quetta, who protected and supported the Taliban.

During 2002-2005, Balochistan experienced an unprecedented level of mismanagement. Millions were embezzled, the literacy rate dropped, infant and maternal mortality rate increased, billions of rupees worth of land was seized by government ministers in coastal areas and Quetta district and, despite verdicts of the High Courts and Supreme Court, no action was taken against the land-mafia.

The 2005-06 annual budget drawn up by the PML-Q and MMA coalition was a product of financial misconducts. The budget deficit, as was the case with earlier budgets, was Rs13.24bn. The debt burden was on the rise and the province´s financial constraints have only fuelled a vicious cycle of debt and interest payments. In June 2006, the provincial government´s loans with the State Bank stood at Rs15bn after interest payment of over Rs262.7m.

Balochistan´s future depends on what policies the newly appointed central government adopts. The energy basket of Pakistan is bleeding. The region which has been a source of constant energy supply for industrial and domestic consumption is being ruthlessly repressed into silence.

If the new government at the centre wants a change in the status quo, it will have to respect and treat the Baloch as equal citizens with legitimate demands. The mistrust between the Baloch and Islamabad is at its peak and a simple change of guard in the corridors of power is not enough to encourage Balochistan to enthusiastically integrate into the mainstream.

The next government in Islamabad must initiate confidence building measures, the first of which must be the release of all political prisoners and the recovery of those who have disappeared. There is a need to encourage civilian rule by reducing the number of troops and check posts in the province, investing more on social and micro-economic development, empowering Baloch youth and restructuring the colonial polices of the central government in the province.

Baloch nationalist parties in conjunction with their Pushtoon nationalist allies will sustain the political momentum that has been created. They will launch a concerted campaign if central government policies remain unchanged towards their province. PPP´s success in the government will depend on its pro-people policies. Stability, security, energy, investment and employment opportunities are obtainable if there is total normality in centre-province relations.

Note

Picture: The Baluchis reject their oppression and marginalization, by spreading graffiti on almost every wall throughout occupied Baluchistan. Interesting itinerary: http://www.travelblog.org/Asia/Pakistan/Quetta/blog-84063.html